he, would happen: (1) the gradual infusion of white blood, (2) migration to some other continent, or (3) the extermination of the negro by means of a race war. The Floridian was most pessimistic about the whole affair. "The negro has no more sense of responsibility than a two-year old child. . . . He is elemental, swayed by the impulses of the moment, and entirely lacking in qualities of persistence and endurance." Because of his tendency to "jump a contract" there has come into existence the suspicious scheme of "running" him; that is, the planter furnishes him with supplies and a home all winter on the basis of a written contract for his labor during the summer. The negro's contract is often sold, generally at a discount, but sometimes at an advance, and the third party is likely to make life hard for the black laborer. The Floridian expressed a poor opinion of the negro's religion with its "Hallelujah" and "Glory." "You cannot tell when he is civilized." His imitative power is so great that often he appears refined; but when among his own people he falls back into the old barbarous ways. The writer concluded with the declaration that the elements of progress are totally absent in the black man.

These, then, are the views of forty-eight young men from seven States of the South. They unanimously opposed any idea of social equality; thirty-nine were opposed to higher education of the African; twenty-five favored only reading, writing, and a trade; thirty believed that he should possess no political rights; nine were without faith in his religion; eleven believed him to have been a better man in slavery days; thirty-one declared that he must always be a common servant to the white man; twenty-five thought that he possessed no ability in self-government; seventeen were in favor of retaining him in the South; seven favored giving him a separate territory; three favored "black cities;" nine believed that his dissipation and uncleanliness would solve the problem by exterminating him; twelve were content to leave the whole question to Providence; seventeen declared that fornication and the resulting amalgamation of the races were endangering the white blood of the South; ten were opposed to lynching; and fourteen considered a race-war highly probable. Remember, once more, that these writers are not a crowd of ruffians from the lower strata of Southern life, but representatives of refined families

and of a student body ninety-six per cent. of whom are confessing Christians and forty per cent. candidates for the ministry.

Is such a study of existing tendencies just ground for optimism? Many flaws, of course, may easily be found in the arguments of these young Southerners. Of course much might be said by moral philosophers concerning the application of the Golden Rule by these "Christian" students. I am not defending them. I am simply placing before readers the signs of the times, without theories, without apology, without defence. These are not theories that might be, but tendencies that are. A large per cent. o these writers are already voters; all will be within the next two or three years. Being of influential families, intending in many cases to be preachers, lawyers, statesmen, destined to be at least minor leaders in their own States, they will proclaim what they believe. I ask, then, bluntly: Is there just ground for that optimism which is at present so rife among publicists not only of the North but also of the South? Is the way of the American negro to be less beset with obstacles and positive dangers than in the past. Are not the indications plain that the black man is to be restrained, hampered, brow-beaten, discouraged within the next quarter of a century as never before in all the bitter years of his existence on this continent?

The Australian Ballot-Why North Carolina Should Adopt It

BY WILLIAM H. GLASSON

Professor of Economics in Trinity College

A few weeks ago the writer, in conversation with an able member of the legislature of North Carolina, took occasion to say a good word for the adoption of the Australian ballot system as a needed reform. The member interrupted him to say: "Pardon me, I have heard it mentioned in a general way, but I don't exactly understand what the Australian ballot is." This circumstance, together with some indications of a growing interest in the subject, has led to the present attempt to explain what it is and why it should be adopted in North Carolina.

To begin with, this voting system is now in use in the great majority of the American States. Wherever it is used, it seems to be regarded as an established institution. Sometimes there are propositions to amend or modify it, but nobody ever thinks of giving it up. In some of the States the experience of nearly twenty years has demonstrated its success. The system is called Australian because it originated in the Australian colonies of Great Britain. Its principles, as the plan has been modified to suit conditions in the American States, are as follows: (1) All ballots are printed at public expense and delivered to voters on election day within the voting place by duly qualified officers of the State. Only ballots so delivered can be used and counted. (2) Commonly, the so-called "blanket" ballot is used. This contains the names of all candidates for all offices on a single sheet. Sometimes the candidates for each office are grouped together, the names being printed in alphabetical order. At other times the candidates of each party are placed in a group or column together, and separate places are provided for candidates independently nominated. Spaces are provided in which the voter makes marks indicating his choice. (3) Secrecy is secured by entirely shielding the voter from observation while preparing his ballot. This is done by providing for him a small booth or compartment into which he retires to mark his ballot after receiving it from

the election officer. When he comes from the booth, he delivers his ballot folded to the election officer to be deposited in the ballot box.

It will be observed that, in order to have the ballots containing the names of all the candidates properly printed and distributed to the election district officers by the public authority, it is necessary that all nominations be made some considerable time before election day. Fifteen or twenty days is the period frequently required. This is a distinct advantage. Time is afforded for public investigation and discussion of the qualifications and records of the candidates. Poor nominations cannot be slipped in at the last moment when the voter has no time to inform himself about the names presented. Again, the election officers are held to close accountability for the official ballots placed in their care. They must account for the ballots which have been cast, spoiled, and unused. Various systems of check are provided so that the number of ballots cast may exactly tally with the number of persons voting, and fraud in this respect be made difficult or impossible. A certain definite procedure is also established for the count of the ballots, and provision is frequently made for the watching of the count by accredited representatives of parties or candidates. The system varies considerably as used in the several States, but in the best of the American ballot laws the greatest precaution is taken to assure an honest expression of the will of the people.

Before entering upon any more extended discussion of the advantages of the Australian ballot system, it may be of service to give an outline of the circumstances under which the system came to be so widely adopted in the United States. The general plan dates from the Electoral Act of 1858 in New South Wales, one of the Australian colonies. Similar systems were adopted in Victoria, South Australia, and the neighboring island of Tasmania. In the later sixties there was great complaint of election abuses in Great Britian. Active agitation for reform began in 1868. A Parliamentary commission was appointed to make a thorough investigation of various systems of balloting. Evidence was taken and information gathered as to the different balloting systems of Continental Europe and of the Australian colonies. The final result was the passage of the Ballot Act of 1872, which reg

ulated the procedure of Parliamentary and municipal elections in Great Britian. This was a modification of the Australian system to suit British conditions. The reform proved a great success in England and was a few years later adopted by the Dominion of Canada.

Soon after the Australian ballot had become an established institution in England, coercion and fraud at elections in the United States brought about a growing public desire for reform. For many years there was no organized agitation, but the alarming conditions resulting from the contested Presidential election of 1876, together with complaints of intimidation and unfair practices at later elections, were impressive evidences of the necessity for better election laws in America. A typical instance of protest against election abuses is found in the Nation of January 30, 1879. A correspondent from Cambridge, Massachusetts, complains that, in the election of 1878 in that State, the use of varicolored ballots, imprinted so as to be easily identified, made secrecy impossible. He mentions reports that in the manufacturing districts mill owners had clerks stationed at the polls to keep tally of the way employees voted, and that employees were informed that the tenure of their employment would depend upon the way they voted as shown by the tally. The Nation comments editorially: "We agree with our correspondent in thinking that the form and color of the ballot are matters of growing importance." Similar charges of coercion of working men by their employers were made in the years of Presidential elections, when the protective tariff was a leading issue.

In the winter of 1885, a bill embodying in crude form some of the principles of the Australian ballot system was under consideration in the Michigan legislature. Frequent references to the system were made, during the elections of 1886, by candidates of different parties. In December, 1886, there appeared in the North American Review an article on "Recent Reforms in Balloting," by Allen Thorndike Rice, the editor of that periodical. This article was of much service in stimulating interest in ballot reform, and Mr. Rice became one of the most influential leaders in the cause. By 1887 the period of active and systematic agitation had begun. The original centers of the organized reform movement were New York and Boston. Clubs of enthusiastic and public spirited