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of conduct were strangely at variance with those which usually actuate men in other cases, would be as to the means of supporting it in its fullest strength; ;-so far from discarding it, their chief anxiety would be lest other powers, jealous of the influence of such an example on their subjects, should endeavor to wrest it from them.

It is, in fact, but the futile imaginings of a disordered brain, which see in the effect of liberal principles any thing approaching to the dissolution of government. For what are liberal principles but a disposition to keep pace with the spirit of improvement which is constantly going on among men? And, can any one, in his sober senses, aver that good government and general civilization are things so entirely incompatible, that the one cannot be enjoyed but at the expense of the other? That vigor and stability in national councils are ever, from their very nature, inconsistent with the progress of the mind? That if men insist on moving onward in the march of intellect, they must be content to sacrifice to this object every thing like a firm and well-regulated state administration? And so, on the contrary, if they wish to be preserved from constant anarchy and civil contention, they must be satisfied to remain in barbarism and degradation? Such doctrines are too monstrous to be harbored for a moment; but yet, I defy any one to deny that they are the doctrines of those who contend that liberal principles are incompatible with the strength of government. For myself, were such my belief, I would utterly discard all allegiance to society. I would betake myself to the obscurest corner of the earth; and there, dwelling aloof from the world, and inaccessible to any of my race, I would prosecute the culture of my understanding and my heart by myself, and undis turbed by that connexion with my species, which would, according to these doctrines, involve my mind in ignorance and darkness. My name should be no more known among all mankind. I would live alone; and none other should rule over me than the Almighty.

PART II.

"Liberal Principles as affecting the Strength of Government."

That the rights which nature has bestowed upon man may be protected and enjoyed, he finds it necessary to subject himself to laws, and to part with some portion of his original freedom, for the maintenance of the rights and freedom of his fellow-men. The social system, of which he is a member, entitles him to other rights, without which, civil liberty is not enjoyed, and the ends for which society was formed are not obtained. Those principles of government are liberal, which secure to man the rights of nature and of society. They are the principles which conduce to the happiness and prosperity of a nation; but it has been observed by political writers, and the observation has been so frequently made that it appears almost an axiom, that those very principles have a powerful effect in weakening government. Reason and experience confirm the remark. Though history has often and clearly proved to us that man is unwilling to be oppressed by man, and will not sacrifice his just rights, when the possession of them will not injure others, he has unfortunately seldom restrained himself from abusing as soon as he begins to enjoy them, till he finally subjects himself to oppression which he endeavored to escape.

It is in their liability to abuse, that the great danger of liberal principles is seen. To enjoy their advantages much precaution must be taken against their evils. They are liable to be carried to excess. To establish the proper security, and to mark out the proper limits for them, scem almost

impossible. The work will be imperfect. The examples of ancient gov ernments too plainly prove that it was so in them. Faction and corruption were the constant companions of liberty, continually distracting and enfeebling government. They soon exerted their pernicious influence, when Athens began to enjoy that liberal principle, which rendered the voice of the people the law by which they were to be governed. That free principle which declared the proud patricians and hunible plebeians of Rome equal, and gave the latter the enjoyment of public offices in company with the former, added not to the strength of government. We find that the interval of tranquillity was but short, and that the tumults of the people, and the oppression of ambitious citizens soon followed. Sylla was the favorite, and became the tyrant of the people.

"So every scope by the immoderate use
Leads to restraint."

The principal cause of the fall of the republic of Rome, has been ascribed to the excess of power which the favor of the people too often intrusted to unworthy hands.

As liberal principles allow the people some degree of power, the question may with good reason be asked, whether that power will content them; whether it will not be intentionally abused, or imprudently exercised?

They are forgetful of the relation in which they stand to each other; of the responsibility under which they are placed. Ignorant or thoughtless of the benefit of the whole, which the privileges of each individual enable him to render, they too readily sacrifice the good of the public to their own partiality for some flattering demagogue. They are not sensible of the true value of the liberal principle which is put in their hands, but they are fully aware that they possess power, and will misapply their possession to gratify themselves, at the expense of the public safety, and the public happiness. Such is the abuse of the right of suffrage, an abuse to which the privilege is always exposed, however well informed the people may be of the true design of society, and of the happiness which it is in their power to confer.

We need not examine ancient history, and the imperfect constitutions of old governments, to be convinced that free principles will be dangerous. The history of later times will give us the same information. Will not our own days teach us the same lesson? We have seen the dangers of the press. In the words of one of our own writers, "Its freedom will be abused. It is a precious pest, and necessary mischief, that has spoiled the temper of our Liberty, and may shorten its life."

Another effect to be feared from liberal principles, is a want of respect towards those who make and administer the laws. If the people are, directly or indirectly, the makers of the laws, do they the more willingly submit to them! The magistrates whom they have created, they will look upon as their equals, but equality may be forgotten by the magistrates They will be approved by some, and disapproved by others. There wik arise opposition of party to party, and oppression of the one by the other. The purposes of government are forgotten, while each looks with jealousy upon his opponent. There is none of that feeling of awe and reverence which the authority of an hereditary ruler inspires, whose cradle is a throne, of whose oppression it is dangerous to complain, and the success of resist ance doubtful.

It is the foundation of the political theory of a distinguished writer, that honor is the support of a monarchy, fear of a despotism, and virtue of a republic. The strongest governments place their security in principles which awe or captivate their subjects. They take advantage of every mode which will excite terror or delight. The will of a despot bows down the victims of ignorance with fear and trembling, who hardly dare to know that nature has bestowed upon them faculties and rights, which were giver for their happiness, or the strength of government is derived from a fountair

of honor, and consists in ornaments of silver and gold, in the stars and grand crosses of nobility, or in the amusements by which men are charmed into submission. We may, then, say, though in a different sense from the origi nal, "Amusement is the happiness of those who cannot think." But in what does the strength of liberal governments consist? In something of far higher authority than the will of any mortal; in something more ennobling than all other honor; in the only true divine right of sovereignty, the virtue of the people.

This is a strong foundation; but is it not one which is more to be desired than expected? It is little to the honor of human nature that the principle of fear has been found to have a more powerful influence than the principle of virtue. Such has been the case; and liberal principles, from the want of power to preserve them in their purity, have too often produced effects which it seemed contrary to their nature to produce. Though they may be beneficial to themselves, they will be corrupted, unless there is that degree of intellectual and moral cultivation in the community which we are not justified in expecting. It is true, that there is little hope of virtue and learning among a people without liberal principles to encourage and support them. Some portion of freedom is certainly necessary before virtue can be expected to display herself, and exert her influence openly, and before the mind can exercise to advantage the faculties with which it is gifted. But does it follow that this liberty will always reform a community? Liberal principles may be adopted too suddenly, before the character of a people is prepared for them, and then, while they produce not the happiness which they otherwise would produce, will create anarchy or oppression.

Thus it appears that some information and virtue are required for the protection of liberty. But, when free principles are established, and they are producing contentment, virtue may not be secured, may not be preserved. All the effect which fear has over the mind is removed, and the faculties are roused to life and exertion from a state of tranquillity, but a tranquillity like that of the tombs. To escape from the terror of despotism, is a blessing; but there is danger of the slavery of vice. Virtue is, indeed, encouraged by liberty to come forward to the light, and to exercise herself for the benefit of man; but vice meets with like encouragement, and will readily seize its opportunity to gratify itself, and to exert its corrupting influence.

The unfortunate terminations of many revolutions in favor of liberty, are to be found in the want of virtue and knowledge among the people, who are consequently incapable of governing themselves.

Since, then, liberal principles have been so constantly abused, unless the people are, in a high degree, virtuous and enlightened, we must look for strength to the checks provided against the abuse of power in the separate departments of government; not to the agreeable, though poisonous prin ciples of liberty, but to the antidote which is constantly administered against their dangerous effects.

XCIV

DISPUTATIONS.

Disputations are exercises in which parties reason in opposition to each other on some question proposed. They are verbal contests respecting the truth of some fact, opinion, proposition, or argument.

As literary exercises, they are principally of two kinds, Philosophical, and Forensic Disputations.

Philosophical Disputations are those in which some philosophical fact, principle or theory is discussed.

Forensic Disputations are those in which some legal, moral or political subject is argued.

Example 1.

OF A FORENSIC DISPUTATION.

PART I.

Whether Popular Superstitions or Enlightened Opinion, be most favorable. to the growth of Poetical Literature.

Fable and superstition form so large a part of the ground-work of ancient poetry, and are so intimately connected with that of all succeeding ages, that a partial investigation of this subject might lead us to very erroneous conclusions. From the bare consideration of this fact, we might be induced to give assent to that opinion, which would make superstition indispensable to the production of poetry, and which would thereby confine its progress to a certain period in the civilization of the world. We might as well, however, consider the dross as a constituent of the virgin gold, as suppose that the imperfections and errors connected with poetry were essential to the divine art.

Homer has left a monument of genius which will be read and admired by remote ages yet to come; but will it be looked upon as one of those prodigies of former times, the history of which alone remains to them, for which, in their time, they can find no parallel or counterpart? Will, then, his poetry be viewed as the production of an art peculiar to former ages, but in those times unknown; a shadow, an illusion, which has vanished before the increasing light of civilization; or will it not rather be admired and venerated, as one of the earliest fountains to which posterity can trace the magnificent stream, which, in their age, may be extending its healthy and invigorating influence through all the channels of society? Yet the idea that superstitious opinions are essentially important to the production of poetry, would exclude the possibility of any great progress in the art. Since error must gradually disappear before knowledge and civilization, and since superstition must vanish wherever Christianity sheds its blessed

influence, it follows, that poetry must, some day, in the progress of the world, be seen in the decline. The possibility of this, we should be un willing for a moment to admit. Poetry is not the peculiar characteristic of a rude and imperfect state of society; it is not a plant which can thrive only in the soil of ignorance; on the contrary, an art, which I do not say, keeps pace with the improvement of society, but is destined rather to precede it; to be, as it were, man's GUIDE to indefinite advancement. In proof of our position, we need only refer to the elevating influence of poetry itself; an influence admitted by all, and one which every breast has more or less experienced. The poet's influence is through the feelings, and, as man kind in their nature have been, and always will be, essentially the same, the true poet, in the exercise of his profession, has the key to the sensibilities and affections of his fellow-men; when he touches the strings of his lyre, it is only to produce those notes with which every bosom throbs in unison. It becomes, then, an easy task for him to instruct and to elevate, to call man away from the absorbing influence of worldly passions and pursuits, to a view of what is most elevated in his own nature, and most noble in the creation around him, to wean him from the present, and fit him for the future. This exertion of a refining and elevating influence is a prerogative of the poet admitted by all; but must, we also believe, that, when he is most successful in his glorious office, he is at the same time diminishing the power and will in his fellow-men to appreciate or countenance his works.

The poet's peculiar liberty and privilege is to give free wing to his imagination; a liberty allowed by every one. In poetry, indeed, we look for fiction, though its legitimate object be truth. Popular superstitions, therefore, afford an easy and ample subject for the poet's pen, and always must, to some degree, enhance the beauty and attraction of his works. For what are popular superstitions but the dreams of the imagination perhaps the fantasies of the poet's own brain? It is asserted by some writers, that the Greeks were indebted for their mythology to the writings of Hesiod and Homer; that their religious notions were vague and unsettled until the fertile imagination of their poets devised for them a system of worship. Indeed, we may safely believe, that a great proportion, if not most of the superstitions, which have prevailed in the world, have sprung into existence at the poet's calling. When this is not the case, they owe their origin to the disordered imagination of some less-gifted mind. From the wonders and beauties of nature, then, one of the poet's most fertile themes, he can no longer receive inspiration, when the float ing visions of superstition no longer surround them; when belief in that which ignorance, or the fancy of former poets, has generated, has been resigned for more rational opinions. The genius of poetry forbids such a sentiment. Does the flower which has blossomed and faded from the creation become destitute, in the poct's eye, of poetical associations, be cause he cannot credit the imaginative belief of ancient bards, that Flora has it in her care, while the sporting Zephyrus fans its petals, parched by the mid-day sun? Is the distant planet less worthy a place in the poet's thought, because its secret influence, whether good or evil, can no more be credited? Does "old ocean" lose any of its sublimity, because it is no longer, even in the poet's mind, peopled by the Tritons, Nereids, and Father Neptune? Such, and like notions, were the theme of ancient poets and their countrymen gave willing credence to their tales. The modern bard might as well stalk the streets in the toga and the buskin, as bring

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