of the allies, in which Britain bore a part; and the operations in which Britain acted alone. The former, not depending chiefly upon this country, were, on the whole, unfortunate and humiliating to those principally concerned. The latter depending folely on British genius, courage, energy, and fkill, were fortunate and glorious. These two lines of belligerent exertion, though in themselves fo clearly distinct, our author either weakly or wilfully confounds. At the fame time he bestows his chief portion of detail on the disasters of the confederates; and is very short and general in his account of British victories. We have alfo to remark in his hiftorical scenery a very frequent mixture of other parts which ought to have been kept feparate. And as this confufion does not always promote the great. objects of his performance, we do not always impute it to intention, but fometimes to the want of hiftorical ability and skill the victories of Pichegru and Jourdain in the fatal 1794 are repeated, not without accuracy of detail. Defirous, however, as he is of doing honour to the republican generals and armies, he difplays no knowledge of their military conduct. If there be any new fyftem of tactics, any new fcheme of military progrefs, an hiftorian competent to defcribe war will discover it, explain its principle, action, and confequences. Pichegru changed the fyftem of advancing warfare; and propofed to bring his whole force as rapidly as poffible against the enemy in the field, regardless of fortrefies which in his progrefs he might leave behind. The French this year deviled and employed new modes of pofting with troops and artillery. Thefe changes in the fyftem and expedition of war this writer pafles unnoticed. In describing a battle, a competent hiftorian will thew the relative ground, force, and difpofition of the contending armies, the modes of attack and de-. fence, the continuation or change of pofition and manoeuvre; in thort, the point on, which fuccels turns. Mr. Beltham praifes his heroes in the lump, without fhewing any comprehenfion of their diftinctive and appropriate talents and exertions. An able hiftorian, though he detefted the caufe for which the French fought, would place the military merits of their generals in a much more ftriking and favourable light than this their political partizan. To a man competent to write the hiftory of war, the march of Lord Moira affords a fubject to animate energy and exercife fkill. A few lines difmifs this able and celebrated movement. The laft effort of the Britifh arms in defending Holland, though unfortunate, were, as all British efforts have been, fignally honourable. Of thefe the account is almoft equally curfory. A very fhort and vague fummary is given of the glorious victory by Lord Howe; in which, not exprefsly ftating but indirectly admitting the defeat of his country's enemies, he confoles them and himfelf by diminishing the glory and importance of the victory (fee p. 182). Our atchievements in the West Indies he barely mentions. Detailing the proceedings of Robespierre and the completion of defpotifm, he brings the internal affairs of France to the depofition and death of the tyrant.

Shifting

Shifting the fcene to Britain, he introduces, as a detached episode, the departure of Dr. Prieftley for America. He, our author tells us, had been driven from his philofophical retirement into the centre of the kingdom by the mad outrages of a barbarous people, excited and encouraged by perfons, however exalted above them in rank, fcarcely less barbarous than they. We cordially agree in Mr. Belfham's reprobation of any or all perfons who inftigate the populace to diforder and tumult. Who were the perfons of rank that encouraged the riots at Birmingham?" But, (our author proceeds) under the adminiftration of Mr. Pitt, bigotry and malignity advanced with an accelerated progrefs, and every fpecies of improvement, moral, intellectual, or political, feemed gradually to become the object firft of cold indifference to this infidious flatefman, then of diflike, and at length of fear, of hatred, and of horror."

We immediately after find fome clue to this fcurrilous, ribalrous abufe. Mr. Belfham quotes the authority of Dr. Bedoes, the ravings of whofe diftempered imagination, and the fputterings of whofe rage, this profound critic miftakes for genius and fenfibility (p. 195.)The epifode concludes with a long quotation, proving, from the works of Bolingbroke, that the fame fun, moon, and ftars are to be beheld in America as in England.

We now return with our author to his narrative, which proceeds to the trials for high treafon, which are introduced in the following terms: "The perfons who in the month of May had been committed to prifon, on the charge of a democratic confpiracy to overturn the government, were kept in clofe confinement the whole of the fummer. It also happened that two men, Watt and Downie, on' grounds totally different, were brought to trial in Scotland for high treafon at this juncture; and this incident might be regarded as the prologue to the fearful and bloody tragedy which it was in contemplation of the adminiftration to perform in England; and their conviction might be fuppofed to have a powerful effect on the mind of the English juries." The ftory told by Upton of a conípiracy to affaffinate the king, is fo introduced by our author as to appear another branch of minifterial preparations for an iniquitous profecution of Hardy, Tooke, Thelwal and their affociates. Were we indeed to receive the impreffion which Mr. Belfham means to convey, there never was a fyftem of more bloody and murderous tyranny in the annals of defpotifm than that which the executive government of Britain attempted and the legislature feconded. But if the fhaft be poifoned it is not noxious, borne down by its intrinfic heavinefs it flies not to the mark. Habet fub arundine plumbum. The detail of thefe trials is a mere repetition of trite facts and common-place obfervation. An able hiftorian would on fo important a fubject have prefented to his readers a view of the treafon laws as enacted by parliament in the reign of Edward III. and as fince underflood by judges and lawyers, in order to fhew how far it applied to the facts charged; Mr. Belfham merely touches on this fubject; his chief attention is beftowed

on

on the evidence of 'perfons whom he infinuates to have been fuborned by government. The following reflection on the acquittal is perfectly in unifon with the general ftrain of his imputations against government." Had the miniftry fucceeded in this infamous profecution, which no Attorney General, however respectable his private character, or whatever plea he might fet up of profeffional duty, could engage in without incurring eternal difgrace-had they once dipped their hands in blood, they would moft furely have gone on in the fame fanguinary course till the whole land had become an aceldema— a fcene of carnage and defolation." Is this furious invective, HISTORY! So much of this portion of the narrative as is not devoted to obloquy, confifts of quotations from Mr. Erfkine's fpeeches, including Mr. Erfkine's quotations from Dr. Johnfen. The embaffy to China, and the difmemberment of Poland, occupy moft of the remainder of the fecond book. The fubjection of Poland he imputes to the want of that energy in the people which would have attacked their king and established monarchy. On this ground he feverely cenfures a part of Kofciufko's proclamation that inculcates refpect to the king. The Poles, Mr. Belfham deems defervedly fubdued, because they did not imitate the French.

"In this emergency (fays our author) no chance of ultimate fuccefs could poffibly remain, but in the adoption of the daring and decifive measure of fummoning a National Convention, and of establishing a new conftitution founded upon the broadest basis of democracy-a conftitution in the preservation of which every individual would have felt himself deeply and permanently interested-a constitution which, as in France, would have excited the genuine spirit of republican enthusiasm, which would have converted Poland, like France, into an armed nation, and have infufed into the breafts of all the heroic, the determined refolution to conquer or to die. But to a grand and glorious effort like this the genius and talents of Kofciufko did not appear equal: on the contrary, a proclamation was published, stating, That as the Polish infurrection took place upon principles effentially different from thofe prevailing in France, it should be differently conducted; and that the king,' [whole timidity and duplicity (Mr. Belfham parenthetically obferves) had rendered him juflly defpicable in the eyes of all,] fhould be treated with the deference and regard due to his rank.' It is difficult to conceive whose favour Kofciusko could hope to conciliate by this tame and disgusting decla ration. Had America, France, and it may be added England, hesitated in fimilar circumftances to proceed to the deposition of their respective sovereigns, the revolutions effected in these feveral countries would have borne for ever the appellation of treafon and rebellion. The original principles of the French revolution were no other than the genuine and immutable principles of liberty; and although these principles were doubtlefs more liable to abufe under a democratic than a mixed form of government, it was by the establishment of a pure democracy only, that, in Poland, the mafs of the people, stupified by oppreffion, could be awakened to a juft fenfe of their inherent rights, or infpired with the invincible refolution effential to the defence of them. From the publication of the proclamation in queftion, perfons of difcernment augured the speedy and melancholy termination of this unequal con

teft."

The

The third book of this volume pursues the parliamentary history of 1795 on the fame general plan of vilifying both government and parliament, and the fame means, quotations from oppofition fpeeches, as they are to be found in Debrett's Debates and the Annual Register for the year; but without any information or view that had not been hacknied through periodical works. To prop up arguments worn out and weak, he now and then introduces a joke, which, for aught we know, may pass for wit with his readers.

Mentioning the marriage of the Prince of Wales, he involves in his account an affertion containing a grofs libel on the Prince." It was (he fays) well understood that the Prince acceded to this alliance with much reluctance: his attachment to the accomplished Mrs. Fitzherbert, with whom the marriage ceremony, though invalid by law, had undoubtedly passed, having fuffered no diminution. His Royal Highness having, when this fubject was before agitated, impowered Mr. Fox to contradict this report in parliament." We defire to know upon what authority Mr. Belfham charges the heir apparent of the crown with advancing a direct falfehood. Where are the documents by which he can make good an affeveration fo injurious to its exalted fubject. It is not a mere effufion of that rancorous gall which this outrageous democrat uniformly pours out against princes. In the Twelfth Night Sir Andrew Aguecheek not being able to combat an adverfary, is by his friend advised to vent his rage in fwearing at him. Much pleased with an advice which he could fo eafily follow," Nay, (fays the knight) let me alone for fwearing." Mr. Belfham finding neither his facts nor his arguments, with all the auxiliary quotations, contain any real force to overpower the champions of the British conftitution, endeavours to make up the deficiency by fcolding; and, (as Sir Andrew phrafes it) calling names: Pitt is a profligate apoftate, a blood-thirty tyrant; Burke is an eloquent madman, a demoniac, a grand incendiary of Europe.

The military events on the continent in 1795, compared with the preceding campaigns, do not occupy much of the hiftory. This affords, however, the author an opportunity of heaping fresh abuse on the loyalifts of La Vendee. Turning to the internal revolution in France, he beftows very high praifes on the directorial government, and represents the FIVE as a conftellation of genius and virtue. Returning to England, he finifhes this book with the meeting of the Corresponding Society at Copenhagen-house.

Book the last opens with the infults offered to the King in his way to and from parliament. The Treafon and Sedition bills follow, clouded as ufual with quotations from the oppofition fpeeches. From all this heap of citations no reader can educe the exact changes which thefe bills effected, nor the reafons of either fupport or oppofition. Indeed we do not think that either here nor in any other part of his parliamentary narrative a reader could, from Beltham, perceive the fcope and chain of oppofition policy and reafoning. Eager as the author is to hold them up to exclufive admiration, it is not by a

tiffue

tiffue of detached quotations that an able author could fhew biogra→ phically the genius and eloquence of Mr. Fox, but by concatenating his meatures, propofitions, and refults. It is not by a titlue of quotations that an author can hiftorically fhew the wifdom or folly of fyftems or meafures, but by fhewing their caufes, circumftances,

and effects.

We will venture to fay, that an able hiftorian, inimical to the political object of Mr. Fox, would convey to the reader a much clearer and a higher idea of his intellectual character, as operating during the period before us, than is here prefented by Mr. B.lfham. An able Roman would much more adequately exhibit the talents of Hannibal, than a bungling Carthagenian. Without following our author through his parliamentary citations, which could be new to no reader, we attend him to his account of the celebrated campaign in 1796: here there was room for the author to fhew his favourite French forming a very grand and comprehenfive plan, and carrying it, in its principal field, into the moft effectual execution. Still, however, we have nothing but patchwork of detail. In Germany we fee that Jourdan advanced and was driven back early in the feafon; that Moreau, at a later period, retreated, and that is all. We neither fee, on the one hand, the energy of the Archduke Chatles invigorating the Germans to combat the rapacious invader on the north, and driving him back to France, nor, on the other, the masterly kill with which Moreau, on the fouth, deferted by Jourdan, in retreating, kept his enemy at bay.

But the more momentous operations in Italy affording fo ample a theme for hiftorical defcription, confift of a mere curfory fummary of marches, battles, and fieges, without any view of the talents and energies employed, or the effects produced. Eagerly as Mr. Belfham is attached to the French republicans, we do not apprehend Buonaparté, were he defirous of having a hiftory of his campaigns written in English, would chufe for his niftoriographer Mr. Belham. This laft book terminates with Lord Malmbury's negociation; in his review of which, our author abridges the outlines of Mr. Erfkine's pamphlet, and juftifies the French in every part of their conduct, faithfully repeating the allegations of the French minifters.

The fixth volume opens with the feffion of parliament 1796-7; and, as ufual, repeats, or abridges Debrett's Debates. Lord Malmfbury's negociation at Paris coming on by the repetition of the correfpondence between our Ambaffador and La Croix, pufles forward the hiftory about eight pages. Next follows a long quotation from the often repeated reveries of the n. ted ego ift.

Our author now profeffes to take a view of parties. Among the opponents of the war and minifters, Mr. Belfham ranks the learned, and cipecially th fe whom he calls a highly eftimable clafs of men, combining with their literary and philofophical acquirements a perfect knowledge of the great volumes of human nature and human life. This affertion of our hiftorian, though not true, is the fabrication of

another,