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out having a corresponding raise in the production figures. I cannot judge from here, what the reasons for this are.”

(D-345) (c) In a memorandum dated 21 December 1942 concerning the possibility of the Krupp works obtaining additional conscripted French workers, Dr. Lehmann, a Krupp official, stated:

We discussed how far it would be possible for complete shifts of workers conscripted from French factories to be transferred to Essen. We are to collaborate as far as practicable in the splitting up of our requirements amongst individual military government offices and military police posts. So far as possible one of our representatives is to assist in the selection from amongst the conscripts.” (D-196;

see also D-280). (8) Concentration camp laborers, who were brought to the Krupp works at the request of Krupp officials, were subjected to persecution, degradation, despoilment, and torture in a manner similar to that of prisoners of war and slave laborers.

(a) Mr. Ihn, a director of the Krupp firm, has stated in a signed but unsworn statement, that the Krupp firm first asked for concentration camp labor on 22 September 1942, and that the first group of them arrived “in the summer or autumn of 1944” (D-274).

(6) The fact that concentration camp labor was requested by the Krupp works; that such persons were to be confined behind barbed wire enclosures; and that they were to be closely guarded by SS personnel is further shown in a memorandum entitled “Visit of the Director of Distribution of Workers of the WeimarBuchenwald Concentration Camp; SS Hauptsturmfuehrer Schwarz on 26–7–44”, written by Trockel, a Krupp official. In the course of this memorandum, Trockel stated:

"Herr Schwarz came on behalf of his Commandant SS Standartenfuehrer Pister to talk over with us, the question of employment of Kl detainees. He pointed out that the employment of men could not be reckoned with for a considerable period. Our last request was for 700 women.”

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"As not less than 500 women would be assigned, we agreed that the figure should remain at 500 women in order that the assignment should not be endangered.

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wire fence in front of the hall which allows a small exit and the erection of a small barracks for the Commander of the guard and his duty office and for the German female guard personnel.



*" (D-238)

“The SS are providing a guard consisting of guard commander and 10 men. For 520 women we have to name approx. 45 German women who will be sworn in to the SS, given 3 weeks training in the women's camp at Ravensbruck and then given full official supervision duties by the

SS. (c) Dr. Jaeger, senior camp doctor in the Krupp camps, has described conditions at the camp which the Krupp works maintained for concentration camp labor as follows:

“Camp Humboldstrasse had been inhabitated by Italian pris-
oners of war. After it had been destroyed by an air raid, the
Italians were removed and 600 Jewish females from Buchen-
wald Concentration Camp were brought in to work at the
Krupp factories. Upon my first visit at Camp Humbold-
strasse, I found these females suffering from open festering
wounds and other diseases.
"I was the first doctor they had seen for at least a fortnight.
There was no doctor in attendance at the camp. There were
no medical supplies in the camp. They had no shoes and went
about in their bare feet. The sole clothing of each consisted
of a sack with holes for their arms and head. Their hair
was shorn. The camp was surrounded by barbed wire and
closely guarded by SS guards.
"The amount of food in the camp was extremely meagre and
of very poor quality. The houses in which they lived con-
sisted of the ruins of former barracks and they afforded no
shelter against rain and other weather conditions.
ported to my superiors that the guards lived and slept out-
side their barracks as one could not enter them without
being attacked by 10, 20 and up to 30 fleas. One camp doctor
employed by me refused to enter the camp again after he had
been bitten very badly. I visited this camp with a Mr. Grono
on two occasions and both times we left the camp badly bit-
ten. We had great difficulty in getting rid of the fleas and
insects which had attacked us. As a result of this attack by
insects of this camp, I got large boils on my arms and the
rest of my body. I asked my superiors at the Krupp works

to undertake the necessary steps to delouse the camp so as to put an end to this unbearable, vermin-infested condition. Despite this report, I did not find any improvement in sanitary conditions at the camp on my second visit a fortnight

later." (D-288) (d) The conditions under which the concentration camp workers existed at the Krupp camps and factories and the indignities and barbarities to which they were subjected are vividly described in affidavits by such workers (D-256; D-277; D-272). In general, the affidavits disclose that these concentration camp laborers slept on bare floors of damp, windowless and lightless cellars; that they had no water for drinking or cleansing purposes; that they were compelled to do work far beyond their strength; that they were mercilessly beaten; that they were given one wretched meal a day, consisting of a dirty watery soup with a thin slice of black bread; and that many of them died from starvation, tuberculosis and overexertion. A chart entitled "Fried. Krupp Berthawerk, Markstaedt Breslau, Number of Occupied Foreigners, Prisoners of War and Concentration Camp Inmates" shows the use of concentration camp labor at that factory, as well as at the above-mentioned Krupp company in Essen (D-298).

(9) Charts prepared by Krupp officials show that in September 1943, the Krupp concerns employed 39,245 foreign workers and 11,224 prisoners of war, and that the number mounted steadily until September 1944, when 54,990 foreign workers and 18,902 prisoners of war were used (Chart entitled "Foreigners and Prisoners of War of the Krupp Concern"; chart entitled “Cast Steel Works, Number of Prisoners of War and Foreigners”, not here reproduced.) The majority of the foreign laborers consisted of Russians, French, Poles, and Dutch.


(1) Although the Krupp companies operated at a substantial loss in the years immediately preceding Hitler's accession to power, the huge orders from the Nazi state enabled them to derive vast profits thereafter. In the fiscal year 1 October 1934 to 30 September 1935, the net profits of Fried. Krupp and subsidiaries, after the deduction of taxes, gifts and reserves recog

nized by the tax authorities, amounted to 57,216,392 marks. In the fiscal year 1937 to 1938 these net profits rose to 97,071,632 marks, and in the fiscal year 1941 they amounted to 111,555,216 marks (Chart entitled “Income and Loss of the Fried. Krupp Combine"; Graph entitled "Profits or Losses of Fried. Krupp and Subsidiaries as Reported to Tax Authorities," not here re produced.)

(2) Krupp was permitted, with the approval and at times connivance of Nazi officials; to extend in great measure his participation in other companies, both within and without Germany.

(a) On 1 October 1933 the participations of Fried. Krupp in other concerns had a book value of 75,962,000 marks. By 30 September 1942 the book value of the participations had grown to 132,944,000 marks. On 1 October 1942 the participation account was revalued and carried at a new figure of 187,924,621 marks. In the following year new acquisitions were made in the amount of 50,224,707 marks, so that the book value of the participations as of 1 October 1943 was 237,316,093 marks. Even this figure contains many going concerns in occupied countries which were arbitrarily assigned a book value of only 1 mark. Leaving out of account the revaluation of 1 October 1942, the participation account as of 1 October 1943 would have been 182,952,000 marks. The increment in the participation account is shown in a chart entitled, “Fried. Krupp Participations” (D-341). The expansion of the Krupp concern under the Nazi regime is likewise revealed by a comparison of charts showing the companies in the Krupp concern as of 30 September 1935 and 31 January 1944.

(6) Complete records of all acquisitions by Krupp have not been obtained because, according to Krupp officials, many records were lost or destroyed in air raids. Enough appears, however, to indicate that the Krupp firm did in fact call upon the Nazi authorities to facilitate or make possible the acquisition of property interests in occupied countries. Thus, when Mr. Erhard, the French custodian of Jewish property in France, resisted Krupp's attempts to acquire a lease of a plant at Liancourt, France, the Krupp concern enlisted the support of the Army to gain its objective. Under threat of replacement by a German official, the French custodian of Jewish property acceded to Krupp's demands. In a memorandum dated 29 July 1942, found in the Krupp files, it is stated:

* M. Erhard delayed the negotiations to such an extent that finally the appropriate military authorities in


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Paris urged a settlement. This authority declared that if
Mr. Erhard could not make up his mind to sell, at least he
would have to give a three years' lease to Krupp.
“The custodianship would be taken away from Mr. Erhard
and a German Commissar would be appointed unless the

lease were granted in a very short time.” (D-526). (3) In recognition of his services to the Nazi State, Krupp was awarded the "Shield of the Eagle of the German Reich" with the inscription “To the German leader of Industry” (D-66).

(4) Because of his unique service to the military power of the Nazi State, Krupp was authorized by special decree of Hitler to transform Fried. Krupp A.G. into a private family concern in order to perpetuate control of the firm by a single member of the Krupp family.

(a) In a letter dated 11 November 1942 to Bormann, Krupp stated :

You have asked me to make proposals to you which would secure the future of the unified existence of the Krupp works more than this is feasible today. On considering this question we have ascertained that under the present laws the principal solution of the question cannot be carried out. We had to find an entirely new way, therefore, which, just as the law regarding heritage of agricultural property, creates entirely new legislation.”

(D-99) (6) In reply to the above letter, Bormann wrote to Krupp that:

"I have reported the contents of your letters of the 11/11 to the Fuehrer today. He instructed me to inform you that he would be readily prepared to arrange for any possible safeguarding for the continued existence of the works as a family enterprise; it would be the simplest to issue a 'Lex

Krupp' to start with.” (D-101). (c) Krupp's recognition of the unusual character of his proposal is indicated in his letter of 24 February 1943 to Lammers, wherein he said:

“Without doubt, the matter, which is without precedent in economic life, will have to be discussed with the Reichs Minister of Justice and the Reichs Minister of Finance also.

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*" (D-106).

(d) On 12 November 1943 Hitler signed the decree making possible the preservation of the Krupp firm as a family enterprise in recognition of the fact that

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