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layer of confusion to their troubles. "Who will explain to the people what is going on?" he asks. "What is there to assure the Mexican American a voice in the development of these new forms or structures? In the Bay area, the Mexican American is being crowded out. All devices being discussed in order to make the metropolis more manageable are not addressing themselves to minority groups. The fundamental issue is one of structural content. From the technological and broad social standpoint, something's got to happen in the cities, pressures will increase; metropolitanism is possible but whether it is humanly practical is another matter."

Forces which advocate metropolitanism can operate in such a way that the kind of input Dr. Galarza desires for Mexican Americans and other minority groups becomes virtually impossible, suggests Karl Gregory, assistant to the chancellor for urban affairs at Oakland University, Rochester, Michigan. "The larger the area of decision-making, the more problems there are in communicating what is taking place; the more unequal the distribution of power, the more advantage the advantaged have to use the media, so the more an unequal distribution of power and opportunity is reinforced."

Issue By Issue Analysis

As a consequence of this cycle of informational deprivation, Gregory remarks, "Only decision-making by those who already have the resources is metropolitanized, equal opportunity is not really being metropolitanized." Therefore, says Gregory, who serves as president and chairman of the board of Accord, Inc., a housing rehabilitation corporation, as well as resident agent for a black bank, the First Independent National Bank in Detroit, minority groups who seek self-determination are moving toward decentralization. Gregory is apprehensive that blacks may end up with political control over less resources, although he is quick to note that this is no argument against decentralization or local control. Decentralization is in effect a reaction, he believes, to racism and to the institutions that are failing blacks. However, Gregory points out, decentralization can be established without community control: the white power structure can parcel out pieces of power and "let the natives fight over it," he says, because control of the purse strings is not affected.

Minority groups have to learn to confront metropolitanism and/or decentralization issue by issue and this requires an understanding of two major distinctions: a) how is the public service financed; and b) who makes

the decisions. Metropolitanism, he asserts, "doesn't make much sense unless a new tax apparatus is devel oped for a wider taxing jurisdiction." Even then, mas sive Federal assistance may be necessary to make open housing, for example, a realistic goal. But in terms of making decisions about where housing is needed and setting up housing standards, a lot of room for decen tralized input by minorities is a probability, Gregory

argues.

In regard to law enforcement, the financing and decision-making concerning a program to combat the narcotics traffic or organized crime might be too large a conglomerate, in Gregory's phrasing, for other than a metropolitanized approach of broader taxing juris dictions and combined Federal and State authorities. Only problems of police-community relations, of pro tecting school grounds or children going to and from school might be more easily addressed on a local com munity level, he says.

At any rate, Gregory, an associate professor of eco nomics at Oakland University, feels community control is a solution that only buys time: "I see nothing in existence now that begins to solve the problems of minority groups. All the money being spent in Vietnam each year would be needed to make a signifi cant dent in the ghetto. We can overcome the problems but I just don't see the commitment in the country to do it." As long as black people suffer the effects of

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racism and don't have political or economic power, Gregory says, echoing the thoughts of other respondents, "they need to organize politically and form allikances, something on which to build.”

There begins to develop a sense of urgency for minority groups to become aware of the advent of metropolitanism in whatever form it may take and to take Grethe matter apart, "issue by issue," as Gregory urges. Minority groups need to ascertain how metropolitanism will affect them. As Schermer noted, no one is ha quite sure what is being created out of the Nation's urban turmoil, but by the same token, it cannot be allowed to occur haphazardly. Certainly, in every way possible, the respondents indicate, the minority communities must exert every force at their command to fhave some part in the evolution of the metropolitan age.

Housing An Explicit Ingredient

"Two seemingly irreconcilable concepts and processes," black political self-determination and metropolitan-wide decision-making, must be reconciled in metropolitanism, according to Arnold Schuchter, author of the recently published book, White Power/ Black Freedom, which deals with the issue of the white and black power struggle in the cities. "The extent to which Negroes gain political power, economic oppor. ttunity, and social justice through new forms of metropolitan institutions will depend upon the following: the goals of the institutions; their specific organizational structure and decision-making process in relation to emerging political and community development instruments in black communities; the provisions for Negro involvement, with a disproportionately influential role," Schuchter emphasizes, "in the establishment and operation of these institutions; and the quality of the people who can be attracted to design and implement these new instruments of government and community development.”

That Negro participation in the evolvement of new governments must be a prerequisite to their implementation is central to Schuchter's thinking. He also insists that such a metropolitan-wide political and developmental

process must include as an explicit and controlling goal, the desegregation of housing. A specific means of assuring an open housing market, Schuchter believes, is creating communities designed to attract and house people of all races and income. Another necessary ingredient in achieving responsible systems and processes of government, says Schuchter, a specialist in urban planning for the management consultants firm of Arthur D. Little Company, in Cambridge,

Massachusetts, in regard to "this unchartered political universe of metropolitan regions," are "persons with insight, judgment, and competence, black and white." He adds that "without a sustaining sense of confidence among Negroes in the good faith and capabilities of the public and quasi-public institutions shaping urban community life, the prevailing sense of victimization by white society will escalate along with frustration and animosity."

A National Metropolitanism

Dual strategies are required to check the trend toward "separate but unequal central city and suburban societies"; 1) Conscious and deliberate preparation of Negro administrators and technicians to manage and develop black ghettos and to govern the increasing number of almost wholly black cities; 2) Unified national land, housing, and migration policies to create hundreds of new multi-racial cities, incorporating new systems of political, educational, social, and economic development, and able to house about onesixth of the Nation's population by the year 2000.

"The form of metropolitanism," Schuchter specifies, "should support both decolonization of the ghetto and dispersion opportunities for Negroes, for instance, to house about 40 percent of the urban Negro population in the year 2000 (or about 12 million Negroes). Accomplishing this goal will require a national commitment to create new communities to house as many as 50 million people over the next 30 years."

The scope of the problems and the horizonless demand for solutions with respect to minority group needs suggest to Schuchter a kind of national metropolitanization in terms of program strategies, policies, and standards, and the comprehensive utilization of Federal and State funds and incentives. His specific recommendations, presented briefly here but well detailed in his own writings, include a National Urban Resources Development Corporation, federally-chartered and quasi-public, to serve as a Council of Urban Advisors to the President in the formulation of national urban policies and programs and to foster gov. ernmental reform and new city development; Metroregional Development Corporations to collaborate with voluntary metropolitan councils of governments to plan and carry out metropolitan-wide revisions and technical aid programs; New City Corporations to build and manage new communities; Community Development Corporations to rehabilitate and control inner-city areas; and Urban Grant Universities to provide training and technical services in devising political and economic entities for local control, and educa

tional opportunities for all age groups integrated with inner city community development projects and with creation of new communities.

Schuchter's schema for the future city follows the pattern of human need which Schermer outlined when he said that an individual finds it impossible to belong to too big a community, that he must have a feeling that he can at least grasp some control over his own government and destiny. Schuchter foresees metropolitanism and decolonization (his term for the withdrawal, voluntary or not, of white political and economic control) as emerging concurrently. "Minority groups, especially Negroes, already are building some of the new political and economic development organizations, developing a power base for the bargaining process that will have to take place in order to establish relative shares of power in the new forms of metropolitan institutions." To enhance their control or leverage, he stresses, Negroes "must develop effective leadership, administrative talent, entrepreneurial and business management skills." Destroy The Slum System

Meanwhile what of the trapped ghetto dweller, Schüchter asks. "The only hope for a large percentage of urban Negroes to achieve decent housing," he states, "is for them to ruin ghetto housing as a profitable real estate commodity by disrupting the slum housing system in a manner that will result in a massive transfer of ownership from absentee-landlords to black owner-occupants. If necessary, widespread civil disobedience (to echo Julian Bond's words) should be directed at municipal governments to force them to exercise their legal responsibility for maintenance of housing standards."

New litigation and new legislation that would place the responsibility for coordinating the development of metropolitanism and assuring a voice to the minority groups where it belongs, with the States, are key recommendations from James Gibson, a staff associate with Potomac Institute, a privately financed research and consultant agency on civil rights in Washington, D.C. Formerly a member of the President's Advisory Committee on Rural Poverty, Gibson estimates that present trends in court suits related to school system inequities in California, Michigan, Texas, and Virginia indicate that metropolitanism might develop through a metropolitan taxation system to provide equitable funding for all schools on a regional basis rather than "pro-rated on the basis of concentrations of wealth".

The stimulus of court decisions in this field, a longterm struggle of perhaps 15-20 years, according to

Gibson, could move legislatures to accelerate or initiate legal steps to establish metropolitan forms of government. "It would take legislatures less time to set up the new instruments of government, but legislatures would have to present a formula that is not destructive of the quality of schools in general." States will fight such metropolitan litigation, Gibson is sure, but in this field, as in regard to legislative reapportionment, desegregation of schools, and legal protection for the accused in law enforcement, a litigative impetus can result in progress in the protection of the rights of minority groups. Gibson advances his view of a need for minority group pressure along the legal route be cause, he asserts, "a real civil rights basis exists for requiring redistribution of tax revenues on a regional level."

Federal-State Roles

According to the Constitution, Gibson asserts, those services of society and those responsibilities of govern. ment toward its citizens remain in the hands of only two entities, Federal and State government; local gov. ernment has no Constitutional prerogatives. He says that on the issue of school district inequities, for ex ample, in a State where priorities and concern are suburb-directed, allocation of school district funding on an equitable basis should be required by the courts and by Congress. "If public schools are inadequate anywhere in a State, the State is responsible; therefore the State constitution which permits an inequitable situation is unconstitutional-I think we will see a considerable development of litigation in this direction," he says.

On the point of financing, George Schermer supports Gibson's views, stating that "the real property tax is not a very good base for supporting public eduation; we need new forms, new sources for taxation. The State today has the basic power for the public welfare, the basic responsibility for public education, under the U.S. Constitution and its own Constitution. We dilute the political power of Negroes when we enlarge the bounds of the city government and reduce the amount of influence that they would have to bring about the necessary decisions for increased taxes to support public education." Even now on a diluted basis, Schermer advises, Negroes have power to force the State to bring about equitable reform.

"Because we do in fact have minority concentrations in the cities," Gibson continues, "minority groups have to press for having political controls placed more equitably in the hands of non-whites." Therefore greater local control of schools and other public institutions

should follow, and an insistence be made, in economic terms, on establishing new ownership patterns.

"There are dangers in following this route," Gibson warns, "in that such redistribution of power along racial and ethnic lines will increase the self-interest of minority groups and the continuation of a separatist movement without reducing the utimate dependence of the minority upon the majority community."

Gibson observes that apart from seeking to control or influence metropolitanism on a group basis, the minority person's other recourse is to seek "individual equity, power, wealth, and mobility" which means that minority persons must be fairly distributed throughout the metropolitan region. Thus schools and other public services are not identifiable as Negro schools or Negro services, Gibson says. "To affect the minority person through the majority self-interest, which would have to shortchange itself to shortchange the minority person, is an argument for equal distribution of minorities." Gibson, whose special field is community economic development and rural poverty, also sees grave dangers along this way, although ideally "good for society," dispersal would not necessarily change the majority's opposition. The minority might still be refused jobs, services, civil rights, political office. Again, Gibson stresses, "we would not necessarily rid ourselves of racism nor of the ultimate dependence of the minority upon the majority."

Establish Independent Control

Gibson reasons that "self-determination does not provide the ultimate solution for black communities," that "the desirable thing is for blacks to evolve a conscious step to ultimate integration. Racism must be addressed by efforts to purge racial superiority feelings, that is the ultimate solution," he declares.

The whole question of metropolitanism is relatively new. Only recently have public officials and lawmakers begun to think and make decisions with a metropolitan interest in mind. In terms of new structures of government to replace obsolete city halls; new cities to house, economically and decently, the new millions of people and some of the old; new regional programs to solve the logistics of waste disposal, reclamation of the environment, and transportation: metropolitanism is no doubt a necessary stage in the evolution of the Nation. Many of the respondents shared the thought that a balance may still have to be struck between the regional complex and smaller units of community. Thus, even this phenomenon which we are now seeking to comprehend may evolve toward another level.

At any rate, it is quite understandable why minority

groups may sense a real threat in this new elaboration of politics and government. They may lack a political power base or fear losing one; they may certainly be dubious of fulfilling their needs through existing or proposed formulations of government. Regionalism in the governmental processes may be vigorously and successfully opposed by minorities in areas where, on the whole, metropolitanism of some kind is vitally needed. The trend among minority groups will no doubt be toward establishing as quickly as possible independent community control of certain public institutions, through political or militant means. Possibly, then, minority political strongholds may be able to gauge their view of metropolitanism with greater confidence. However, many of the persons who answered the Digest's queries warned that minority groups might end up in control of less and less resources with less and less real power.

To recall Dr. Fleming's comment that equal opportunity does not develop in a vacuum, it is obvious that neither does metropolitanization of regional problems nor their resolution. Metropolitanism is also a phenomenon of man and one would hope that man could still influence its evolution. In this regard, it would seem possible to include equal opportunity as a meaningful objective and by-product of the metropolitan age. Provision of an adequate transit system should take into account the job needs of both suburbanites and inner city dwellers. Provision of a quality education to all children may require new school patterns, new schools, and, more than likely, new systems of taxing and equitable revenue distribution governed either on an area or State-wide basis.

Transportation, education, and other problems may be so vast, extending over more than one State in some instances as to require Federal and State collaboration. The Urban Affairs Council established by the new Administration would seem to be the kind of body to deliberate the issues and initiate action on FederalState involvement. The Digest's respondents made it very clear that Federal and/or State solutions are necessary and quite feasible but that in every case, the interests of the whole community, especially of its minority elements, must be taken into consideration.

Should metropolitanism be erected on existing patterns of segregation and isolation, already known to have caused strife in our cities and not yet resolved, then it would further reduce the chances for an integrated society and for a peaceful resolution of domestic inequities. It will be a metropolitanism built on sand. ARMANDO RENDON

Every year schools, Government, corporations, and professional organizations squander one billion dollars on producing films which promote social inequities. Viewers who see these noncommercial educational and industrial films gratis pay a hidden price in the misconceptions they see.

Noncommercial films can reinforce and promote social inequities by using biased casting procedures. School children, college students, consumers, and industrial trainees who view these films see only white actors in lead roles, because minority persons shunted to walk-on parts, if they're not completely excluded. Some Negroes, Orientals, Mexican Americans, and Puerto Ricans have complained about these biased practices, but their grievances are not popular.

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The importance of casting mi- NON-COMMERCIAL

nority persons in educational and industrial movies is multiple: job opportunities are more widely distributed; minority viewers identify with the roles; an affirmative image of minority persons is established; and majority members get a positive view of interracial society.

The New York State Division of Human Rights recently reiterated these themes during its hearings on job opportunities for minorities in the film industry. College professors added another valid reason for including minorities in educational films: students sometimes base career decisions on the films they see. If an Oriental, Negro, or person of Spanish origin never sees his counterpart practicing law, installing electronic equipment, or supervising other employees, he may be convinced that those careers closed to him. Further, when ma

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FILMS

jority group members see only
white persons portraying key posi-
tions in business and society, be-
liefs in white competence and
white superiority are reinforced.

Professors who use audio-visual
materials were interviewed by Dr.
Philip Harris of Bernard M.
Baruch College, New York, who
conducted the bias in film casting
study. A survey was made of 131
films shown 1,634 times in dif-
ferent departments of three col-
leges and universities from 1965
to 1968. Some professors who
showed films with integrated casts
to their classes could not recall
seeing minorities when the movie
ended. This kind of response indi-
cates the role minorities play in
education films is usually so tri-
fling as to go unnoticed.

College professors and high school teachers said 18 percent of

the educational films they use had integrated casts, and most these are directed toward speci

interests or designed for nonwhi audiences. If educational films a to present society positively, sp cial interest films are not th entire answer; however, they d serve one beneficial need. Film about Puerto Ricans in New Yor City, Korean immigrants a justing to American life, or a anthropological study of Borne inform students about subject which most textbooks otherwis leave uncovered.

Of the billion dollars annuall spent for noncommercial film about half goes for educationa movies. This sum is followed b business and industrial film which contribute more than on third; Government spends abou 10 percent, and community, rel gious, and medical association spend 2 to 3 percent each. Th 1966 industrial film market show business used 63 percent of th films for sales; 14 percent fo training; 11 percent for public re lations; 8 percent for advertising and 4 percent for other purposes

The industrial film business i highly competitive, and producer say they must yield to the de mands and prejudices of thei clients in order to survive. Thi means clients can tell producers t omit minorities from certain pro ductions without meeting much re sistance.

The New York State study casting patterns in industrial film reveals that two kinds of peopl are hired for parts-actual em ployees and professional actors When the employees in a client' factory or office are used, the man ufacturer and not the producer, i responsible for biased casting, be cause the actual situation-0

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