prehensive listing of The Black Man in Films. Pamphlets cost from 5 to 15 cents each and may be ordered in bulk at reduced prices.

Negro History and Literature: A Se lected Annotated Bibliography. New York: American Jewish Committee, 1968. 29 pp. Reports

A Decent Home. The report of the President's Committee on Urban Housing. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1969. 252 pp.

The final report of the President's Committee on Urban Housing and recommendations made concerning the ways in which costs can be reduced, production increased, and decent housing built for citizens with low incomes.

People of Rural America. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Bureau of the Census, 289 pp. Available through U. S. Government Printing Office.

Attempts a new definition of rurality as distance from metropolitan area plus density of population. Contains sections on rural nonwhite populations, birthrate differentials, educational status, employment, and income. Uses 1960 Census figures.

the elections and speak to black candidates and their supporters. The black candidates interviewed agreed on one point-not one black candidate in a county where Federal observers were present believed the election would have been run in an honest manner were it not for the presence of those observers.

There has been widespread publicity concerning the victory of Charles Evers, field secretary of the NAACP in Mississippi, who became the first black mayor of a biracial town in the State of Mississippi since Reconstruction. There are, however, 250 other cities and towns in Mississippi. Reportedly, more than 140 black candidates ran in the May 13 Democratic primary for offices in over 40 towns and cities in Mississippi and another 20 to 50 ran as independents in the June 1969 general election in an additional dozen cities or towns.

Of the nearly 200 black candidates, however, less than 30 won municipal offices-mostly as aldermen-after a runoff primary and a general election. Thus in three out of four municipalities no black candidates even ran for office. A look at a few of the elections in towns where black candidates ran may be instructive as to why so few ran and why so few won in a State which is 43 percent black.

Charles Evers' victory in Fay ette, for example, has been cited as evidence that no longer is the black man politically repressed in the South. But what were the ingredients for victory in Fayette?

First, Mr. Evers was a national civil rights leader running in a small town of around 2,000. He had played an important role in Senator Robert Kennedy's drive for the Presidency in 1968 and is

presently National Committeeman of the Mississippi Democratic Party.

Of the 750 registered voters, 490 were black. A Federal registrar was in Fayette in March to list unregistered voters. Federal observers were present to watch the conduct of the election. Representatives from the three major television networks were in Fayette, and large numbers of out-of-state newsmen descended on the town several days prior to the election.

The Sunday before the election, 10 out-of-state lawyers and a large number of college students arrived in town for last minute campaigning. It was no miracle that Evers won; it is amazing that anyone ever doubted that he would win.

The elections in other towns, however, are probably more indicative of the problems faced by black candidates running for office in Mississippi.

In the small community of Woodville, population slightly over 1,800, 56 miles southwest of Fayette, white reaction against the black candidates began long before election day. Several candidates who had held jobs either with the school system or the county believe they lost their jobs as a result of their seeking elective office or because they were actively involved with the NAACP. Their contracts were not renewed after their involvement became common knowledge.

A black candidate in Woodville stated that people were still afraid to register to vote in Wilkinson County. (As an example of the fear that still exists in the Woodville area, he noted that when three college students from Michigan State University, who served as poll watchers for black candi

dates during the election, had to leave the town very late at night, local black residents insisted that they be escorted to McComb, a town 50 miles to the east on an interstate highway, by the Deacons of Defense.)

On the morning of the May 13 primary, Federal observers, local election officials, two out-of-state lawyers and a few out-of-state college students gathered at the local polling place. Despite the fact that there were over 800 registered voters in Woodville and that the Mississippi Code provides that no more than 500 qualified electors shall vote in any one box, only one ballot box was in use. This may account for some of the confusion on election day.

Local election officials, however, were on their best behavior-cooperating fully not only with the Federal observers, but with the poll watchers of the black candidates as well. Indeed the Federal observers appeared to be more hostile to the poll watchers of the black candidates than were the local election officials.

A student from Michigan State University, one of the poll watchers for the black candidates, charged that the Federal observers challenged their right to observe the election. After the poll watchers showed the observers the Mississippi statute, which did not prohibit out-of-state people from acting as poll watchers, the Federal observers then challenged their right to stand near the table where the ballots and ballot box were kept. In both instances the local election officials upheld the right of the poll watchers.

The stated policy of the Federal observers was to talk with no one. A Commission staff attorney, however, saw the observers in Wood