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the astronomical world had been removed, but also one of the noblest of men.

The following extracts from letters written by some of the most eminent astronomers left in the world proclaim the sentiments of those who knew him well :-'What a man! He has done more for our science than any of the contemporary astronomers. Nobody was his equal in mental and bodily power, always the centre in co-operative undertakings. How many progresses have we to thank him for! I never met a person of so noble a character, so mighty of friendship as Gill.'Il est impossible de comprendre qu'une âme si honnête, une si belle intelligence, un si noble cœur nous échappent à jamais.'—'We must think ... of that memory, strong and stimulating, which will be to me . . . a rock of support and encouragement unbroken by death or by the passing years.'-'The most manly among men, the kindliest, warm-heartedest and above all truest of friends, the man who by his example and support has helped and encouraged me more than anybody else, to give a purpose to my life.'-'What a privilege it was to know a man of such illustrious ability, combined with such simpleness of heart and nobility of character.' One of his pupils wrote: His was such a wonderfully exhilarating personality. After a talk with him everything seemed to be worth while, and everything seemed worth attempting; there was no failure in the atmosphere that he created.' Another speaks of 'His extraordinary patience with and kindness to all who needed his help and his unstinted generosity in giving his time.' And a third says, 'We all feel that we have lost something more than a friend, to me almost a father, who can never be replaced.'

GEORGE FORBES.

Art. 9.-SYNDICALISM IN NEW ZEALAND.

IN the year 1894 New Zealand passed an Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act, which it was fondly hoped would settle the industrial problem for all time and completely abolish strikes. For some years it really seemed as if the Act, with its subsequent amendments, was going to be a success. Students of economics and sociology came to New Zealand from overseas, especially from France and America, to study the effects of the new legislation; and, in America, New Zealand was for some considerable time referred to in the newspapers as the country without strikes.' That term can no longer be used, except in an ironical sense. A series of more or less sporadic outbreaks culminated at the close of last year in a general strike on a scale hitherto unprecedented in that part of the world, so serious in its character that at one time it looked as if the Dominion were trembling on the edge of civil war. Alike in its origin and in the successful manner in which it was grappled with, this industrial revolt displays many features of general interest, and conveys lessons which may be of value to students of industrial economics outside the arena of the fight.

The object aimed at in the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act was to foster collective bargaining by the encouragement of the formation of unions, both by the workers and the employers; to settle disputes by conciliation, if possible; and, failing this, by means of arbitration before a judge of the Supreme Court, assisted by two assessors representing respectively the employers and the workers. Critics of the Act, at the time when it was passed, foretold that it would probably work well so long as things were prosperous and the Court was able to award an increase in wages or to bring about improvements in the conditions of work; but they were strongly of opinion that, if a period of depression supervened and it became necessary at any time to reduce wages, the workers would refuse to submit to such reduction and would resort to the old method of the strike. As a matter of fact, failure has come earlier than was anticipated. There has been no period of depression and no reduction of wages, but the Act has

failed completely in achieving the main object for which it was passed, namely the prevention of strikes.

For a time, as has been stated, it worked satisfactorily, inasmuch as industrial differences were settled by its means, and the weapon of the strike was temporarily laid aside. It soon became apparent, however, that the possibilities of settling disputes by conciliation had been very much overrated; and nearly all disputes of importance went before the Court for compulsory settlement. There was no lack of work for the Court to do, for the secretaries and other paid officials of the unions exercised their ingenuity in finding grievances; and there is no doubt that many disputes, which would not have arisen spontaneously, were brought into existence by a process of suggestion and incubation on the part of the officials. The Court usually went on the principle of conceding something to the men; and, as times were good, the employers were usually able to pass on the increased cost of production to the public. It is true that they were annoyed by the frequency of disputes, but on the other hand the awards of the Court gave them, as they thought, security for the period for which they were registered, usually two or three years. Before very long, however, a cloud appeared upon the horizon. There came a point when, without decreeing any reduction of wages, the Court came to the conclusion that it could not make further concessions to the workers; and immediately there were signs of dissension in the unionist camp. The Judge, on more than one occasion, was openly criticised and sometimes abused. The trades unions began to give less attention to the industrial part of their work and devoted themselves actively to politics. They became so many nurseries for the cultivation of socialistic ideas; and at the trades union congresses held from time to time socialistic resolutions of various kinds

took a leading place on the agenda. The idea was fostered that, having got all they could from the Arbitration Court, the workers should organise with the view of gradually reconstituting the basis of society and converting New Zealand into a socialistic Utopia. The end kept steadily in view was what was called 'the socialisation of the means of production, distribution and exchange.'

For some time it was supposed that this ideal could

be attained by a peaceful process of evolution and by constitutional means. Progress, however, was comparatively slow. New Zealand is rapidly becoming a country of small farmers, to whom socialistic ideas, especially with land nationalisation as one of the main planks, by no means appeal. Some two or three years ago, more ardent spirits appeared upon the scene, imbued with the doctrines of the American association known as the 'Industrial Workers of the World.' These revolutionaries urged that constitutional methods were altogether too slow and indeed effete, and that 'direct action' was required. Openly, they urged organisation with the view to a general strike; privately, hints were dropped as to the efficacy of sabotage and dynamite in bringing the employers to reason. And, as will be seen later, a time came when these views were openly proclaimed.

Operations were first started amongst the miners, who, being on the whole less intelligent than the town artisans, were found more amenable to I. W. W. teachings. Another point by no means unimportant in the eyes of the revolutionary agitators was that the miners earned good wages and were liberal in their contributions of the sinews of war. Prominent among the syndicalist organisers were a Mr Hickey, a young New Zealander who had become imbued with I. W. W. teachings, and a Mr Semple, who had played the part of firebrand among the miners of Australia, and finally found it expedient to leave that country after having led an unsuccessful labour revolt. These men and others went through the country addressing the workers in violent and incendiary language; but for a time little attention was paid to them by the general public. Signs of coming trouble were, however, manifest when, at the instigation of the agitators, a number of miners' and other unions cancelled their registration under the Act, the effect of which was to enable them to strike, if they wished to do so, without incurring the penalties provided by the Act. That they meant business was shown unmistakably at Waihi. The miners cancelled their registration, but the engine-drivers refused to join in this movement, and formed a union of their own which they registered under the Arbitration Act. The syndicalist leaders thereupon denounced the

engine-drivers as 'scabs,' and called upon the owners to refuse to recognise the engine-drivers' union, which of course the owners emphatically declined to do. Thereupon, the miners were called upon to 'down tools,' and did so. For over twenty weeks a determined struggle went on between the two classes of workers. In the end the Reds' set up a reign of terror; riots occurred, in which there was some bloodshed; and one man was shot dead by a policeman whom he had attacked. In the end, the Reds' were completely defeated. The Government sent a strong force of police to the spot to protect the union of free workers; and these gradually increased in numbers to such an extent that the tables were turned and the 'Reds' had to retire from the field.

Baffled on this occasion, the syndicalist agitators were by no means at the end of their resources. They laid their plans for capturing, as they hoped, the whole of the unionists of New Zealand, with the idea of inducing them to organise for a general strike. They succeeded so far that they induced the United Labour Party, comprising those unionists who aimed at establishing an Utopia by constitutional methods, to meet them at a so-called Unity Congress, held in Wellington last July. It soon became apparent that what the Syndicalists, who called themselves the Federation of Labour, aimed at was not compromise but the absorption of the United Labour Party and its conversion to their views. They proposed that two bodies should be created-one, known as the United Federation of Labour, for industrial action by the 'direct' method, and the other, called the Social Democrats, for political action. To all intents and purposes, however, it was to be one and the same body, with the same officials, but to be called by a different name according to whether it was working industrially or politically.

At the outset of the proceedings, the Federation of Labour showed their hand by submitting what they termed a 'preamble' of the industrial section, which is almost word for word the preamble of the American I. W. W. It starts with the following proposition:

"The working class and employers' class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want