have learned a lesson by experience, which they would never accept when it was enforced upon them by precept, namely, that no British community will allow war to be made upon itself by one section of the people, without striking a blow in self-defence. Those whom Mr Massey called the lean brown men from the country,' the stalwart, sinewy, young farmers, tanned with their open-air life, are the heroes of the hour. They were certainly a most inspiring sight, and gave one a reassur ing notion of our means of defence should New Zealand ever be invaded by a foreign enemy. Both men and horses were magnificent specimens, and their discipline was admirable.

Many of these men are well-off, but they felt that the occasion was one which called for personal sacrifice. Fathers and sons cheerfully left their farms at the call of duty, while wives and daughters remained behind, and worked long hours in looking after the interests of the farm. None of these men would have stirred a finger against the workers in the case of an ordinary strike. In fact, if there had been a genuine labour grievance, many of them would have been prompt to show practical sympathy with the men. They were determined, however, that, come what might, the country should not be given over to syndicalist agitators; and their action has effectively checked the movement in that direction. Even the less revolutionary socialists in New Zealand have had a set-back. They have assured us that, if the mines, shipping, and other enterprises were controlled by the State, New Zealand would become an Utopia, and in any case there would certainly be no more strikes. Yet the State coal-mines have always been a hot-bed of syndicalism, and the State coal-miners were among the first to 'down tools' at the call of the Federation of Labour. So too, as has already been mentioned, the crews of the Government steamers were among the first to join the strikers and refused even to carry His Majesty's mails.

In the closing hours of the Session, the Government put through, practically without opposition, an amendment of the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act, to meet the case of trade unions refusing to register under that Act in order to be able to strike with impunity.

In effect, the amendment adopts the principle of the Canadian law, under which notice must be given of an intention to strike, and the grounds of dispute must first be investigated and reported upon, thus giving an opportunity for public opinion to act before work is actually allowed to cease. In terms of the final settlement, the recent strikers have been allowed to resume work only on condition that they signed an agreement registered in the Arbitration Court, thus making themselves subject to penalties if they break the agreement. The terms with respect to wages, etc., are practically the same as those in operation before the strike; but a new clause provides that preference of employment will be given to members of a union only so long as the union remains unaffiliated with any other union or association. Meanwhile a number of the strikers are still without work, the employers having probably determined to stand by the free labourers who came to their assistance. Many of these, such as the farm workers, find their new employment so lucrative that they are not disposed to go back to their former callings.

The Federation of Labour has thus received a crushing defeat, and it is probably not too much to say that syndicalism has received its deathblow in this country. The general prosperity of New Zealand has never looked better than at present; and with the revival of confidence it is certain that there will be a great increase of activity in every department of industry. I anticipate, therefore, that not only will the loss caused by the strike be soon made up, but that even the strikers now out of work will soon find plenty of demands for their services.

W. H. TRIGGS.

Art. 10. THE SETTLEMENT MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

1. Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement. By Werner Picht, Ph.D. London: Bell, 1914.

2. The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets. By Jane Addams. New York: Macmillan, 1909.

3. Twenty Years at Hull House. By Jane Addams. New York: Macmillan, 1910. New edition, 1913.

4. Handbook of Settlements. and Albert J. Kennedy. Associates, 1911.

5. Young Working Girls.

Edited by Robert A. Woods

New York: The Survey

Edited for the National

Federation of Settlements. By R. A. Woods and A. J. Kennedy. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1913.

I.

THE Settlement Movement has been called 'the most elementary expression of the feeling of humanity in the revolt against social misery.' This is entirely misleading. Its founders were no mere sentimentalists, in vague revolt against the general wretchedness of many of their neighbours; they were men with a perfectly clear conception of the forms and causes of social evils, and they set out to attack some of those evils by means of perfectly definite remedies. Prior to 1884, when the movement took shape as the University Settlement Movement, its purposes had been gradually defined by a succession of thinkers and workers. Frederick Denison Maurice and his immediate followers had shown, so early as 1850, that the hand-working classes needed above all else the friendly co-operation of educated men, and welcomed their help if offered frankly and without patronage. They had also realised the possibilities and the need of education, not as an instrument for the training of the young, but as an all-potent lever for raising the level of thought, interest, and human capacity among adult citizens. A few years later, T. H. Green and Ruskin, in their different ways, held up an ideal of good citizenship at which educated men and women should aim, as neighbours of the poor rather than as their superiors, as members of a single brotherhood rather

than as representatives of a ruling class. These conceptions of duty and of opportunity came to a focus in the mind of Arnold Toynbee, himself the immediate disciple of Green and Ruskin, and the no less direct follower of Maurice. His life, so tragically cut short, was the conscious expression of them: his activities and his aims were just those of the man who has determined to be, in relation to his less fortunate brothers, at once teacher, co-operator, fellow-citizen, and neighbour.

The practical genius of Samuel Barnett made possible the establishment of these ideals in a permanent institutional form; and Toynbee Hall was founded in order to open to all educated men the door of unassuming service of their neighbours along the lines already laid down. Every characteristic of this Mother Settlement' was in complete harmony with the convictions of those earlier idealists from whom the inspiration was derived. Its religious basis was freed from all connexion with the dogmas and the organisation of any Church; its educational work was to be independent of any system, and aimed at being simply a spontaneous sharing of knowledge and of interests; its citizen activities were those of fellow-citizens who happened to have more leisure than most; its neighbourhood work was the direct but unorganised expression of sympathy unbound by theories or any form of organisation. Indeed, this complete absence of machinery was peculiarly near the ideal of Maurice, just as the educational work was an almost exact reproduction of the chief features of the Working Men's College which he had founded in 1854. Barnett was never tired of insisting that, in the fight against social misery, what was needed was not machinery but personal service, 'not gifts but ourselves.' And this fluidity and formlessness he regarded as the true mark of a settlement as distinct from a mission.

It may be urged that such an ideal was not really compatible with the establishment of any sort of institution, since an institution must have some form of structure, and its purpose will inevitably be modified by the structure. It is at any rate certain that the original ideal has not been preserved. Both Toynbee Hall itself, and the settlement movement which its foundation inaugurated, have travelled far from the early aims;

so far, in fact, that to-day, at the end of thirty years' experience, past and present settlement workers are heard on all sides raising the cry that virtue has gone out of the movement, that living effort is being strangled by dead tradition, that method and mechanism have become tyrants and must be turned out ruthlessly, andmost serious complaint of all-that the old purposes and motives are inoperative, and a new inspiration is needed if the movement is to live at all.

The development of the movement furnishes some explanation of this change. Immediately after the founding of Toynbee Hall, Oxford House was established as a sort of counterblast to the proclaimed undenominational basis of the original settlement. This at once introduced a certain subordination to an existing organisation-the Established Church; it also at once confused the carefully made distinction between a settlement and a mission. For Oxford House has been both; and many succeeding settlements, especially those established by particular denominations, have linked themselves to the aims of a mission and disregarded the ideals of a settlement. But a deeper difficulty arose. The settlements were to be University settlements. The residents are chiefly drawn from the young and enthusiastic men and women who are at the very beginning of their careers, and come straight from an University in order both to learn and to do something real, intimate and valuable in connexion with social evils. But young men and women of twenty-three cannot very safely or advantageously be projected into the morass of city poverty with no better equipment than a vague impulse to serve or teach or learn, to be good neighbours and humble helpers. There must be some established and defined forms of service awaiting them. It follows that every settlement must have at least a nucleus of organised activities, with machinery and system enough to keep them running steadily in spite of the sudden incursions and equally sudden disappearances of the human agents who temporarily 'work' them. And this kind of organisation must be dominant in a settlement in proportion as its residents change rapidly.

There has followed a further change, most marked in the case of women's settlements. Preparation for social