Mr. MITCHELL. Mr. Chairman, I also have several inserts for the record which I would like to follow my testimony.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Without objection, they will be made a part of the record in their entirety.

Our next witness is Ms. Naw Musi. Ms Musi is an ethnic Karen from Burma. However, she spent most of her life in a refugee camp in Thailand.

She graduated from high school in the refugee camps and taught in the same school. While teaching in the camp, Ms. Musi co-founded the Karen Student's Network Group.

Ms. Musi has worked as the coordinator of the Women's Rights Project of EarthRights International, a Washington-based human rights organization with offices in Thailand. As the coordinator, she conducted a women's rights training in the refugee camps and documented women's human rights abuses committed by the Burmese military regime.

In addition, she has served as an intern for Refugees International, and is currently a student at Hardwick College. Welcome. We await your testimony.

STATEMENT OF NAW MUSI, BURMESE REFUGEE

Ms. MUSI. First of all, I would like to thank Chairman Gallegly, Chairman Pitts, and Chairman Leach, for giving me this important opportunities to speak on behalf of millions of people in my country, especially for those who by no means could reach this floor to tell us the story of their lives under the most brutal and racist military regimes.

My name is Naw Musi, and I am ethnic Karen from Burma. i was born in Delta region. However, I grew up in refugee camp along the Thi-Burma border as my parents were fleeing from the persecution by the military government.

We are all aware of what happened to Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters on May 30, 2003. I think it is important that this Committee is also informed on what else has been happening simultaneously in and around the time Thai-Burma order to the ethnic people of Burma.

Recent reports from human rights and aid organizations along the Thai-Burma border indicate that the human rights situation is getting worse not only in Rangoon, but also it is worsening in frontiers that ethnic minorities call home. As a result of the ongoing war in minority group areas and deteriorating economic conditions in Burma, more than two million people have fled Burma to Thailand, excluding people who fled to India and Bangladesh. An estimated 1.5 million more remain inside Burma as internally displaced people. Of the population that fled Burma, approximately 155,000 reside in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh, and several million more are forced to leave as illegal migrant workers in Thailand, Bangladesh, India, China and Malaysia.

Mr. Chairman, while working with EarthRights International in Thailand as a Women's Rights Project Coordinator, I have documented hundreds of women's human rights abuses committed by the military regime; most of the stories are hard to hear.

Women, in particular, are singled out as human shields and mine sweepers during their tenure as forced laborers, as the re

gime's army believe that they are less likely to draw enemy fire, thus treating them as if they are expendable. These women are often subject to such abuses, including systematic rape, at the hand of the soldiers.

For thousands of women from Burma ethnic minority groups, our social, economic and cultural rights are diminished by our refugee status, or to be even more precise, if we are forced to flee our country due to oppression and persecution to Thailand, we are not even acknowledged the status of refugees as Thailand has not signed the Refugees Convention.

Socially, we are a people without a country. Economically, we are people without livelihood. And culturally, we are people without a community.

The Burmese regime has destroyed tens of thousands of villages deliberately in areas that were more home to members of ethnic minorities.

Mr. Chairman, the regime's use of ethnic cleansing policy against the minority, namely, the Karen, Karenni, and Shan on its eastern border and the Rohingya on its western, are well documented and qualify the regime to be held accountable for crimes against humanity. Ethnic cleansing, rape as an official tool of repression, heroin and HIV/AIDS as primary export, and slave labor are only some of the crimes to mention under international law. Thousands upon thousands of civilians have died and continue to die on the course of this over-50 years unacknowledged civil war.

It has also become clear to the world that rape is used expressly against non-Burma ethnic women as a weapon of war. This was most recently documented by Refugees International in their report.

Burma today has reached the highest state of emergency in its chaotic political history. The current situation in my country is a test for the international community to challenge Burma's pretend commitment to the cause of peace, freedom, and justice. It is also a challenge for us, the people of Burma, to continue our resistance and never give up on the hope the hope for Burma as a free and prosperous country where diversity presents the beauty and uniqueness through the peoples and the cultures in Burma.

As a refugee from Burma, I would like to make four recommendations to help bring change in Burma.

First of all, I would like to thank Senator McConnell, Feinstein, and Congressman Joe Pitts, Tom Lantos, Henry Hyde and Peter King and other Members of Congress for passing this legislation, sanction against military regimes. By supporting this legislation, a clear message was sent to the people of Burma that their struggle, our struggle for freedom is well supported.

We would like to ask the United States again, not only symbolly put sanction on Burma, but also help pressure the neighboring countries in the ASEAN states to cooperate with the U.S. on sanctions.

Second, the United States should press the United Nation Security Council to immediately take action on Burma by citing the urgent need of a nationwide cease fire, including tripartite dialogue, and the United States should provide leadership there.

Third, the United States should consider earmarking fund for internally displaced people. We have heard rumors that the United States is unlikely to do so. There are over one million people in Burma running for their lives in the jungle like animals; they urgency need help, perhaps more than refugees who are currently in Thailand.

Finally, the United States should continue to pressure Thailand to allow refugees to enter Thailand, and give them assistance and protection. We do not want to cause the problem for the Thais, but we have nowhere else to go. We are running for our lives.

Thank you very much for all your support and leadership on this issue, and we hope you continue to help us until freedom, justice and peace come to Burma. Thank you very much. [The prepared statement of Ms. Musi follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF NAW MUSI, BURMESE REFUGEE

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for giving me this important opportunity to speak on behalf of millions of people in my country, especially for those who, by no means, could reach this floor to tell us the stories of their lives under the most brutal and racist military regime.

I thank Senators McConnell and Feinstein, and the members of the United States Senate as well as the Congress, particularly Congressman Joe Pitts, Tom Lantos, Henry Hyde, Peter King and other colleagues, for working so hard to get the Burma Freedom and Democracy Act passed. By supporting this legislation, a clear message was sent to the people of Burma that their struggle, our struggle, for freedom is well supported.

My name is Naw Mu Si and I am an ethnic Karen from Burma. I was born in the Delta Region. However, I actually grew up in the refugee camp along the ThaiBurma border as my parents were fleeing from the persecution by the military government. I went to school in the refugee camp called Hway K'loke until I finished my high school in 1995.

We are all aware of what happened to the pro-democracy leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters, on May 30, 2003. I think it is important that this Committee is also informed on what else has been happening simultaneously in and around the Thai-Burma border to the ethnic people of Burma.

Recent reports from human rights and aid organizations along the Thai-Burma border indicate that the human rights situation is getting worse not only in Rangoon, but also it is worsening in frontiers that ethnic minorities call home. My family, my father and siblings, continue to live in the refugee camp as well as inside Burmese forests.

As a result of the ongoing war in minority group areas and deteriorating economic conditions in Burma, more than two millions people have fled Burma to Thailand excluding people who fled to India and Bangladesh and an estimated 1.5 million more_remain inside Burma as internally displaced people. Of the population that fled Burma, approximately 155,000 reside in refugee camps in Thailand and Bangladesh and several million more are forced to live as illegal migrant workers in Thailand, Bangladesh, India, China, and Malaysia.

Mr. Chairman, while working with EarthRights International in Thailand as a Women's Rights Project Coordinator, I have documented hundreds of women's human rights abuses committed by the military regime; most of the stories are hard to hear. Women, in particular, are singled out as human shields and mine sweepers during their tenure as forced laborers, as the regime's army, the Tatmadaw, believe they are less likely to draw enemy fire, thus treating them as if they are expendable. Furthermore, women conscripted as forced laborers are sometimes required to perform twenty-four-hour guard duty, since they are deemed unfit for any other work. These women, as many other women engaged in forced labor, are often subject to sexual abuse including systematic rape at the hands of the soldiers.

For thousands of women from Burma's ethnic minority groups, our social, economic, and cultural rights are diminished by our refugee status. Or, to be even more precise, if we are forced to flee our country due to oppression and persecution to Thailand, we are not even acknowledged the status of refugees, as Thailand has not signed the refugee convention. Socially, we are people without a country; economically, we are people without livelihoods; and culturally, we are people without a community. We cannot teach our children properly, and there is no chance to de

velop and propagate our culture. We cannot feed our families, and must rely on the well-meaning but insubstantial donations of kind-hearted NGOs. As this esteemed body well knows, human rights must go hand in hand with regular access to meals. The Burmese regime has destroyed tens of thousands of villages deliberately in areas that were home to members of ethnic minorities. Mr. Chairman, the regime's use of ethnic cleansing policies against the minorities namely the Karen, Karenni, and Shan on its eastern border and the Rohingya on its western border, are well documented and qualify the regime to be held accountable for crimes against humanity. Ethnic cleansing, rape as an official tool of repression, heroin and HIV/AIDS as primary exports, and slave labor are only some of the crimes to mention under international law. Thousands upon thousands of civilians have died and continue to die in the course of this over-50-year old unacknowledged civil war.

It has also become clear to the world that rape is used expressly against non-Burman ethnic women as a weapon of war. This was most recently documented by Refugees International in their report, No Safe Place. In addition to the ever increasing number of refugees in the camps along the Thai-Burma border, the estimated one million or more internally displaced persons (IDPs) whose condition of existence is even below that of the poorest of human beings-illustrates the depth of humanitarian crisis in Burma. On a daily basis, these IDPs are literally hunted down like animals by the repressive Burmese army. The Public Health authority in Thailand complained repeatedly that illegal Burmese migrant workers are the human carriers of infectious and communicable diseases such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, and tuberculosis. The information that I have mentioned above is the result of military rule in Burma for decades.

Burma today has reached the highest state of emergency in its chaotic political history. The current situation in my country is a test for the international community to challenge Burma's pretend commitment to the cause of peace, freedom, and justice. It is also a challenge for us, the people of Burma, to continue our resistance and to never give up on the hope the hope for Burma as a free and prosperous country where diversity presents the beauty and uniqueness through the peoples and the cultures in Burma.

As a refugee from Burma, I would like to make four recommendations to help bring change to Burma. First, on behalf of the people in Burma, I would like to thank the United States for passing legislation increasing economic sanctions against Burma's military regime. So, we would like to ask the United States again to not only simply put sanctions on Burma but also help pressure the neighboring countries in the ASEAN States to cooperate with the US on sanctions.

Second, the United States should press the United Nations Security Council to immediately take action on Burma by citing the urgent need for a nation-wide ceasefire; the United States should provide leadership here.

Third, the United States should consider earmarking funds for Internally Displaced People. We have heard rumors that the United States is unlikely to do so. There are over one million people in Burma running for their lives in the jungles like animals; they urgently need help, perhaps, more than refugees who are currently in Thailand.

Finally, the United States should continue to pressure Thailand to allow refugees to enter Thailand and give them assistance and protection. We don't want to cause problems for the Thais, but we have nowhere else to go. We are running for our lives.

Thank you very much for all of your support and leadership on this issue. We hope you continue to help us until Freedom, Peace and Justice are achieved in Burma.

Mr. GALLEGLY. Thank you very much, Ms. Musi.

Our final witness is Mr. Bo Hla-Tint. Mr. Hla-Tint was born in Burma and played a leading role during the 1988 nationwide demonstrations that brought down the military-dominated Burmese Socialist Program Party government. He was arrested the day after the election, or the miliary coup on September 18, 1988. After he was released, he joined the National League for Democracy.

In May 1990, he was elected to the parliament as a representative of the NLD. As a result of the military's refusal to honor the election results, the legitimately elected representatives formed a new provisional government in the liberated areas of Burma.

Mr. Bo Hla-Tint was chosen as a representative of that new government. He became a cabinet minster in December 1990. He continues to advocate for the restoration of democracy and human rights in Burma.

We welcome you today for your comments.

STATEMENT OF BO HLA-TINT, NATIONAL COALITION
GOVERNMENT OF THE UNION OF BURMA

Mr. HLA-TINT. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and it is great privilege for me to be here today in front of you and the Committee.

On behalf of the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the people of Burma, I would like to express our gratitude and appreciation to you, Chairman Hyde, Chairman Leach, and all Members of the board of Committees, and Vice Chairman Pitts as well, at the same time all staff member of these Committees to making this timely and important hearing happen today. I also thanks for the kind assistant you have given to Wunna Maung and other NLD assistance to be here today.

I should also take this opportunity to mention our thanks to the U.S. State Department, especially Bureau of Asia Pacific, and Burma Desk, and Bureau of Population, Refugees and Migration, the U.S. Embassy in Bangkok for their tireless effort in bringing NLD witnesses here.

I must also take, like other panelists here, this opportunity to express our heartful appreciation to all Members of the U.S. Congress for passing the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and President Bush and his Administration not only for signing the bill, but also for its commitment to take immediate effective measures when Burma is in need.

The majority of Burmese people in Burma, except the military junta and its cronies, fully support the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003, and strongly believe that it will have a direct impact on the generous and Rangoon and bring the democratic light to Burma.

Mr. Chairman, since I have already submitted my written testimony and recommendation, after pondering the latest political and human right situation in Burma for the record, and also the other people already outlined what is going on in Burma, I just would like to add up some situation and some points here.

Mr. Chairman, it has been 15 years now that Burmese people had clearly expressed their wish to end the military rule and change Burma into a democratic nation. They did it through a nationwide anti-military dictatorship demonstration, which were brutally cracked down the authorities, killing thousands of peaceful demonstrators in the process, and through the 1990 election, the result of which have not yet to be recognized by the regime until today.

And it has been until today that the National League for Democracy, the party I belong to led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, won a landslide victory, but the miliary to this date continue to illegitimately rule the country against the will of the people.

It is therefore not a surprise that there is no rule of law and respects for human rights, and political, economic and social stability and progress. The country is plagued by corruption and mis