We are here today to hear from representatives of NGOs and Burmese dissidents themselves who will give us their views on the current situation, and hopefully, an indication as to the right way for the United States to go forward with the rest of the civilized world.

Tomorrow morning, these two Subcommittees will reconvene again to hear testimony from the State Department, who will tell us, hopefully, how the department plans to proceed in dealing with the regime.

Burma's record on human rights is deplorable. I have got paragraphs here in this statement that describe that, but I am sure the witnesses will do a far better job than my hollow words are able to do. But I want to point out that the United States has comprehensive sanctions mandated by successive Administrations in congressional enactments, which ban virtually all economic engagement with the regime.

Yes, there is that important $300 million UNOCAL investment in natural gas drilling and pipelines. This began prior to the sanctions, and I am sure will be discussed by our Subcommittees.

In terms of hitting this regime and isolating it with economic sanctions, on balance the United States has done its job. I think the main job now is for the rest of the world to follow our lead, and put coffin nails in the coffin of this terrible regime.

President Bush should make sure that these Members further isolate the regime, and are given serious consideration at the APEC summit in Bangkok later this month.

I also want to point out that Burma has over twice the population of Iraq. If we are to use military means with the sole or primary purpose of providing human rights and democracy to the downtrodden, then Burma could have been invaded at half the cost and brought democracy to twice the number of people. The invasion of Iraq can be justified, if at all, not by showing that Iraq had a terrible human rights record, and that the Iraqi people deserve democracy, it can be justified only by showing that the Saddam Hussein regime and its weapons posed a threat to the United States. I am proud to co-sponsor the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act authored by my good friend, Ranking Member Tom Lantos, which would provide additional sanctions.

I also want to point out that our Committee should have hearings on markups on impasse the Iran Freedom and Democracy Act of which I am the author, the Syria Freedom and Democracy Act, which I believe is authored by our good friend, Elliot Engel, and we need a more effective Sudan Freedom and Democracy Act this year as well.

What we do vis-a-vis Burma cannot be viewed in isolation, but should be an overall effort to bring human rights and responsible military-human rights to countries that do not have it now, and also to impose sanctions on those who engage in international terrorism and other actions hostile to the national security of the United States.

I look forward to hearing our witnesses, and thank you once again for holding these hearings.

Mr. GALLEGLY. I thank the gentleman from California.
Mr. Pitts.

Mr. PITTS. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you for holding this very important and timely hearing to examine the current situation of human rights in Burma.

The witnesses here today, as well as organizations who have submitted statements for the record, will share only a glimpse of the horror experienced by the people of Burma at the hands of the military dictatorship.

As is clear from so many past and current reports, the situation is not getting better. The military dictators use forced labor, systematic rape, forced human land mine sweepers, destruction of villages, destruction of food sources in fields, and outright cold-blooded murder to impose its illegitimate reign over the people, and unfortunately, the regime is not held accountable for its widespread deliberate human rights violations against the people.

Sadly, the international community has failed to act strongly to make it clear to the miliary dictatorship that its time in power is coming to an end. And the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act is an important step in making clear the response of the United States Government to the violations of the Burmese government. The economic sanctions, the freezing of financial assets, the visa restrictions will help increase pressure on this regime. However, the international community needs to respond much more strongly. It is vital that the U.N. Security Council begin to address the many issues related to Burma.

The human rights violations, its contribution to regional instability, its leading role in the drug production and trafficking, the regime's shocking attack in May against Aung San Suu Kyi, and the NLD members is a reflection of its basic character. And I strongly urge the regime to release Aung San Suu Kyi from detention and house arrest.

Over the years, there have been reported progress in establishing a United Nations-facilitated dialogue between the NLD, the regime and ethnic groups. Yet each time there seems to be progress the regime commits human rights violations and sets the talks about once again.

Recently, the military dictatorship released a road map for Burma that includes holding elections. The fact that the regime is proposing election is almost outrageous when it continues to ignore the legitimate results of the 1990 elections and imprisoned the democratically elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the attacks on the people continue.

The plight of the IDPs must be addressed at the highest levels of our government, and by the U.N.

I want to commend our government support for programs assisting the refugees, the democracy groups. I am disappointed at the lack of assistance to IDPs. What is our government doing from those estimated one million people living their lives on the run in the jungles, having no access to food, medicine, clothes, even basic education?

And so while the world sits around debating whether or not Burma is important or whether or not pressures should be increased to continue tripartite dialogue, people in Burma are dying. Little children being raped and murdered by the Burmese military. Only decisive action will help.

The U.S. community, the international community need to press for the immediate and unconditional release of Aung San Suu Kyi, the immediate and unconditional release of all political and religious prisoners, send monitors to Burma, pursue prosecution of those responsible for these crimes against humanity, and press for the immediate end to the deportation of democracy groups back to certain death in Burma, and strongly press for recognition of a democratically-elected government in Burma.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to thank the witnesses for coming all the way from Thailand. This is being webcast. Many, many people will see this around the world in Southeast Asia. Thank you very much for coming and being with us today.

Mr. GALLEGLY. I thank the gentlemen.

Our first witness is Mr. Wunna Maung, who is a member of the youth wing of the National League for Democracy, the main opposition political party in Burma.

Mr. Maung worked on the security team of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient, Aung San Suu Kyi, and the leadership of the NLD as they traveled throughout the country in early 2003. During his service, he witnessed firsthand the May 30, 2003, massacre in which scores of NLD members were brutally beaten to death. He narrowly escaped the massacre and is one of only a few people who successfully fled Burma in order to speak to the world about what happened on that day.

Welcome, Mr. Maung.

STATEMENT OF WUNNA MAUNG, NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR

DEMOCRACY

Mr. MAUNG. [Through interpreter.] Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak today. I am particularly thankful to Congressman Tom Lantos, Peter King, and others who helped make the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003 possible. I am also grateful to Chairman Gallegly, Vice Chairman Mr. Pitts, and Chairman Mr. Leach for making this hearing possible.

I am 26 years old, and I a member of the youth wing of the National League for Democracy from Mandalay Division. Part of my responsibility is to take charge of the security for my leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, Mandalay Division.

Wherever Aung San Suu Kyi went, she was greeted by thousands of people. People everywhere loved Aung San Suu Kyi. This is because they are-they want democracy.

Even before we embarked on our journey, we were already hearing news about the military government and local authorities trying-providing weapons training to some of the attacks, but Aung San Suu Kyi told us to avoid any mannerisms that would provoke them. Aung San Suu Kyi told us carefully that never to fight back, never to retaliate, even if they try to attack you or kill you.

At around 8:30 on the 30 of May when our group led by Aung San Suu Kyi was between Tabayin and Sagaing at Kyi Village, they started to attack us there. Our car-my car, the car I riding in was just two cars behind Aung San Suu Kyi's car. And just when we were crossing Kyi Village, there was two people—two persons dressed as monks and they came out to stop the car, and that is the time when a colleague in charge went out and the two per

sons said, "We have been waiting for you for so long. Please ask Daw Suu to give us a speech."

That was then when about four or five trucks came from behind, and when the trucks were near us, I could see members of the Union Solidarity and Development Association come down and they were shouting that, "You pessimists, you henchmen, you rely on external elements." And that is-and then that is when they started chanting slogans, and this USDA or the Union Solidary and Development Association, the tool of the military government.

That is when the villagers shouted back, the USDA members started attacking the villagers with wooden clubs, iron rods and iron spikes, and they-and within a few minutes the attack started to turn toward us. Although we were quite defenseless, we stood there quite bravely, and we listened. According to Aung San Suu Kyi's words, we never responded in any kind.

As per Aung San Suu Kyi's instruct, we did not fight back, but we stood around Aung San Suu Kyi's car in different layers and we used our body to protect her, and that was when at the same time I saw other cars from our National League for Democracy being attacked by other people. The attackers were seem to be drunk, and I realize that they were trying to eliminate us altogether.

At about this time they broke open the car windows with iron rods, and right in front of my eyes Baba U Tin Oo, which means Uncle U Tin Oo, the vice chairman of NLD, came down from the car, and one of the attackers hit him at the back and then several others dragged him away.

These attackers also attacked women, and not only they ripped off their sarongs and blouses, and while they were bloodied and lying on the grounds, they grabbed their hair, hit their heads against the ground, and they were saying "Kill, die, die," and it was-I was hearing these voices in quite a fearful manner.

And while the bloody massacre was going on, I can never forget the scene and I do not think I will ever forget that.

The attackers approached Aung San Suu Kyi gradually, and the people who were standing on the left side of the car, they startedthey were attacked first, and I saw my fellow members of the NLD fell one after another. And even though the others were not defending them, my colleagues were being hit with sticks and stabbed with iron spikes.

That was when the windows of Aung San Suu Kyi's car was broken, and the driver just drove away the car, and it was what saved Aung San Suu Kyi. If Aung San Suu Kyi was remained there, she would have been killed.

Fortunately, I was on the right side of the car, and when the car drove away, I could run away, and flee from the scene. Thank you.

[The prepared statement of Mr. Maung follows:]

PREPARED STATEMENT OF WUNNA MAUNG, NATIONAL LEAGUE FOR DEMOCRACY Thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak today. I'd like to especially thank Congressmen Tom Lantos, Peter King, and others for their support for the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. I also want to thank Chairman Gallegly, Vice Chairman Pitts, and Chairman Leach for organizing this hearing.

I am 26 years old, and I am a member of the youth wing of the National League for Democracy (NLD) in Mandalay, Burma's second largest city. As part of my re

sponsibilities, I served as a security officer for the leader of our party, Aung San Suu Kyi, whom we call Daw Suu.

Daw Suu traveled by vehicle caravan during speaking tours throughout early 2003. In the caravan, there were 10-15 vehicles and hundreds of motorcycles. Altogether, we estimate that there were about 600 people traveling with us.

Whenever we traveled, tens of thousands of people showed up to see Daw Suu. The people were very excited, because we admire Daw Suu very much, and because the people want democracy.

Whenever we stopped the caravan, I and my security team members created a two-layered security perimeter around the caravan. I always helped to form the outer layer of the perimeter.

Before our journey, we heard many rumors that local officials of the military regime were training their troops with blunt weapons, including clubs, spears, and iron spikes. For this reason, Daw Suu advised us to absolutely avoid any words or behavior that might lead to confrontation with any member of the military. She told us that if we were attacked, we must not fight back. Even if we are struck or killed, she said, we should absolutely not fight back.

On May 29th at 9:00 am, our cars began our daily journey. Our party arrived at Sagaing, about 12 miles outside of Mandalay, at about 10:30 am. Before entering Sagaing, we witnessed about 600 people holdings sides that read, "We don't want people who don't support the USDĀ”. The USDA is the political arm of the military regime. Standing behind these people was a large crowd of people welcoming our party, yelling, "Long live Aung San Suu Kyi". We did not stop, but continued onward.

At about 6:00 pm, we reached the entrance to another town, Monywa. Tens of thousands of people showed up to meet Daw Suu and the NLD members, and we could not even reach the middle of town for another three hours. Tired after a long day, we all decided to sleep for the night.

The next day, we traveled further, stopping along the way to establish NLD offices and hang up our billboards. We stopped in one town so that Daw Suu could give words of encouragement to the family of an elected member of parliament who is still imprisoned. At this point, our scout car rode ahead, but didn't return. We sent ahead motorcycles to scout out, but they also did not return.

At about 8:30, we reached a place, near Kyi Village, between Saingpyin and Tabayin, where the attacks began. I was riding in a car two positions behind Daw Suu's car. After passing Kyi Village, two Buddhist monks blocked the way stopping the vehicle in which Daw Suu was riding. One of my colleagues exited from his car, and asked why the monks were blocking the road. The two monks said "We have been waiting for a long time for you. Ask Daw Suu to give a speech."

As my colleague tried to respond, four trucks, full of people, quickly drove toward our caravan, yelling, "Oppose those relying on external forces

When local villagers yelled in response, the USDA members began to brutally attack the villagers with iron spikes, bars, and wooden clubs they had brought with them. After a few minutes, the USDA attackers turned to our caravan. We watched helplessly, and tried to show courage.

Because we had been told to never use violence, we tried to protect Daw Suu's car by surrounding her with our bodies in two layers. As we waited, all of the cars behind us were being attacked, and the USDA members beat the NLD members mercilessly. The attackers appeared to be either on drugs or drunk.

The USDA members struck down everyone, including youths and women. They used the iron rods to strike inside the cars. I saw the attackers beat U Tin Oo and hit him on the head before they dragged him away. He had a wound on his head and was bleeding.

The attackers beat women and pulled off their blouses and sarongs. When victims, covered in blood, fell to the ground, the attackers grabbed their hair and pounded their heads on the pavement until their bodies stopped moving. The whole time, the attackers were screaming the words "Die die die There was so much blood.

I still cannot get rid of the sight of people, covered in blood, being beaten mercilessly to death.

As the USDA members approached Daw Suu's car, we braced ourselves for the attacks. The attackers first beat the outer ring of my colleagues on the left side of Daw Suu's car, and smashed the glass windows of the car. As my colleagues fell one by one, the attackers then started beating the inner ring of security. The attackers hit my colleagues ferociously, because they knew we would not fight back. I was lucky and was not struck because I stood on the right side of the car. I would like to stress that during the attacks, we never fought back.