"It is the most extraordinary thing that has happened in my day. I heard it with my own ears, from his uncle, Lord Westcote. I am so glad to have every evidence of the spiritual world, that I am willing to believe it,' Doctor Adams replied. 'You have evidence enough; good evidence, which needs not such support.' Whereupon Doctor Johnson answered in a characteristic manner, 'I like to have more.' "'1

It is precisely this desire to have more knowledge about vexing problems of the occult that explains Doctor Johnson's part in exposing the most astounding fraud of the time. He was neither a believer in ghosts nor a disbeliever in them. He was interested, as many are today, in discovering a rational basis for a belief in immortality. It is a mistake to consider him either weakly gullible or dogmatically opposed to a fair consideration of psychical phenomena. He was interested in the supernatural, but he would not accept its manifestations without sufficient proof of their credibility. In one of his many conversations with Boswell he observed:

"It is wonderful that five thousand years have now elapsed since the creation of the world, and still it is undecided whether or not there has ever been an instance of the spirit of any person appearing after death. All argument is against it; but all belief is for it.""

He consented to investigate the Cock-Lane Ghost in the spirit of Chaucer's alchemist, the Chanouns Yeoman, who said of his efforts to transmute metals:

Yet is it fals, but ay we han good hope
It for to doon, and after it we grope.

18 Ib., p. 345.

17 Ib., vol. III., pp. 260-1.

The Middle States and the Embargo of 1808

LOUIS MARTIN SEARS

Purdue University

Toward the embargo, as toward many other issues, the Middle States assumed a median attitude. The line between approval and opposition was not fast drawn. Lying at the heart of the older Union, the Middle States had sympathies common to both their Northern and their Southern neighbors, as well as interests peculiarly their own. Thus their mercantile marine was a link with New England, while their staple crops were a bond with the South. At the same time manufacturers already possessed a foothold which made the Middle States the natural beneficiary of the stimulus which the embargo itself was to bring.

In respect to a marine and to staple crops, New York was typical of the section. To the extent of her great shipping interest, her sympathies lay naturally with New England. On her long Canadian boundary, moreover, the natural temptations to smuggling were multiplied by British inducements to evade the embargo. In addition, she was loath as any Southern state to pile up successive crops against a market day which might never come. But these discouragements were compensated by the advantage, first, of rescuing her shipping, and then of harvesting such gains as growing manufactures might offer. A strong party machine exercised a steadying influence, and DeWitt Clinton, Democratic boss of the State of New York, though not a devotee of the Virginia dynasty, was not the man to split his party by an open break with the national leaders.

Economic distress was, however, immediate. Early in January Moss Kent wrote to his famous brother, Chancellor Kent, from Champion in the western part of the State, that "this part of the country begin to feel the embarrassing effects of the embargo. It has destroyed the market for their produce, particularly pot and pearl ashes which is their principal dependence. In case of a war with Great Britain I cal

culate on emigrating towards the Hudson as my services will not, probably, be wanted in this part of the frontier."1

But the same general region of Western New York sponsored the most contradictory declarations as to the effect of the embargo. A petition from Ontario County dated October 10, 1808, and signed by 1,365 names laments that "in no branch of agricultural pursuit do we find our customary profits," and grieves that the bustling industry of a pioneer community was giving place to "a constrained and sullen inactivity" rendered in no way more endurable by numerous evidences of a sudden prosperity across the Canadian line.2 Yet in face of this well considered statement of grievances in Ontario, a correspondent of Jefferson could write from the neighboring county of Niagara that "* * with respect

to the embargo little difference of opinion exists in this quarter. With few exceptions, it is considered, both as to its origin and duration the wisest measure, which the administration under past and present circumstances could have resorted and adhered to."

The more optimistic view prevailed at Albany, for the state senate, on the 31st of January, 1809, passed a resolution condemning the "* * most unremitted and reprehensible attempts which are making with uncommon industry and malignity and by every art of misrepresentation to enfeeble and destroy the exertions of the general government in vindicating our national rights and honor by endeavoring to alienate the affections of the people by opposing the authority of the laws and by menacing a dismemberment of the Union." The legislature declared itself "fully satisfied that the conduct of the national government has been calculated to secure the resources to preserve the peace to maintain the honor and to promote the interests of this country.”4

Wherever the balance lies between these conflicting opinions, and it must be admitted that the pessimists had probably the weight of argument, there was at least some com

1 James Kent Papers, Library of Congress. Vol. III. Moss Kent to Chancellor Kent, Champion, N. Y., Jan. 10, 1808.

2 Petition of Ontario County, N. Y., to the U. S. Congress, Oct. 10, 1808. Jeffersonian MSS., Library of Congress. Jan. 26, 1809.

pensation in an awakening manufactures. In a season when opponents of Jefferson and his policies could see no ray of cheer, the pew holders of St. George's Chapel, in New York, were sufficiently prosperous to install a $5,000 organ built by the Messrs. Geibs, of their own city, who, it may be added, had “just completed a very elegant and splendid organ which is now erected at Salem in Dr. Barnard's house of worship." The clothing industry was encouraged by premiums on the introduction of merino sheep." And the raw products thus favored by legislative bounty need not go to Connecticut for manufacture in Col. Humphrey's mills, as there was at Poughkeepsie a plant, less extensive to be sure than the colonel's, which manufactured an article of similar quality running in value to eight dollars a yard. Some activity was manifest in the iron mines of Northern New York. And similar progress was noted in tin manufactures, one entrepreneur in the latter urging his claim to patronage on the basis that "as every citizen, who by his genius and industry, aids in perpetuating the independence of his country, has a claim on the community for their patronage, the subscriber presumes that the liberality of his fellow citizens will enable him to persevere in his present undertakings."9

While the embargo was modifying the economic life of the people, the politicians were not idle. Jefferson no sooner made known his intention to retire into private life than the question of succession stirred New Yorkers into potential opposition to the Virginia Dynasty. Of this movement Governor Clinton was the natural leader,10 and James Cheetham its chief spokesman. But even Federalists, who would have rejoiced at schism, doubted its likelihood,11 for only the closest unity among New Yorkers would have withstood the Virginia machine, and unity was conspicuously lacking.

5 "The Repertory" (Boston), June 17, 1808.

As

Ontario Repository, quoted by Federal Gazette and Baltimore Daily Advertiser. The Diary of Daniel Mulford. Poughkeepsie, Sept. 3, 1808.

8 The Repertory (Boston). Sept. 27, 1808.

The Public Advertiser. New York, April 25, 1808.

10 Wilson Cary Nichols Papers. Library of Congress. J. Nicholas to W. C. Nicholas. Albany, Feb., 1808. "I think there is little doubt that the ruling party here [N. Y. expect something to grow out of inconveniences of the embargo favorable to them". etc.

"The Balance. Hudson, New York, Jan. 5, 1808.

Chancellor Kent reminded his brother in July, 1808: "The news from New York is that the Democrats are all by the ears. Cheetham has been publicly denounced by two ward general meetings and DeWitt Clinton goes down with him."12 The following philippic against Cheetham bears witness to Republican discord in a manner leaving little to the imagination. "James Cheetham. This is the wretch who has the unblushing impudence to speak of himself as a man of character, of gentlemanly deportment, &c. This same being, who on the files of his own paper stands recorded as an unprincipled calumniator, a registered liar, libeller and assassin of private character." From this rather mild beginning, the attack warms to some heat, reminding the reader of "how lost, even to the honors of the halter and the gibbet, must the man be, who does not stand, in the estimation of the public, in point of character, at least, upon a level with James Cheetham. "13

But if there were quarrels among the Republicans, and if the Clintons showed no reluctance to capitalize for their own benefit the unpopularity of Virginia measures, the party nevertheless retained sufficient cohesion to preserve its local ascendancy. The governor of the State undertook personally to refute the charge that the embargo represented a submission to French influence.14 And the Republicans of the county and city of New York adopted strong resolutions approving the embargo and promising aid in its enforcement.15 The New York Republicans united in an appeal "to the Republicans of the United States" to hold together, and declared their unbounded idignation over the tactics of the opposition, serving as they did only to increase the obstinacy of the belligerents and to hinder the success of our own diplomacy.16

12 James Kent Papers, Library of Congress, Vol. III. Chancellor Kent to his brother. Albany, July 7, 1808.

13 The Public Advertiser. New York, Aug. 6, 1808.

14 The Palladium. Frankfort, Ky., April 7, 1808.

15 Ibid. Oct. 20, 1808. This or a similar demonstration was referred to in Congress as proof of the loyalty of New York. Annals of Congress, xviii, p. 2078. 1 Ibid., i.e., The Palladium. Oct. 27, 1808. Contrast this, however, with the petition of Third Ward Feb. 6, 1809, against interfering with transport of provisions and necessary supplies. Annals of Congress, xix, p. 1779.