Senator Jones Nesbitt in a violent harangue called the governor "a traitor trying to sell out to those who would give him social recognition." An agitation was started for the founding of a newspaper to push the candidacy of Judge R. B. Carpenter, a white Carpet-bagger, for governor. The Republican party of Charleston split into two conventions.11

Yet the white people of South Carolina, ever anxious to catch a straw of political salvation, with some notable exceptions, flew to the rescue of the man attempting to save “the civilization of the Puritan and Cavalier." This change of attitude was openly manifested at a meeting held in Hibernian Hall, Charleston, December 27, 1875, at which resolutions were passed condemning the legislature for electing Whipper and Moses and commending Governor Chamberlain for "his manly and patriotic efforts for reform and the preservation of law and order."12 Speeches were made by General James Conner and Colonel B. C. Pressley and others of conservative Charleston names. The prime mover of the pro-Chamberlain agitation was Captain F. W. Dawson, editor of the conservative daily, the News and Courier. Dawson from this time until the second Democratic convention used all the energies of a resourceful publicist to construct a masterful defense of his sometime idol, Chamberlain. Curiously enough, once the Democratic party, to which he was consistently loyal, adopted a policy contrary to that which he had advocated, with equal zeal he spent the remainder of the time of the campaign of 1876 in tearing down the arguments that he had advanced in support of Chamberlain.

Dawson and Conner saw in Chamberlain the gleam of light through which the state might be raised from degradation. To them, as actuators of the Hibernian Hall meeting, is due the credit of furnishing the spark that was to light the blaze destined to destroy the power of the majority. For the first time after two years of despairing inaction in the face of the huge black majority, backed by a federal administration bent on enforcing democratic election laws at all costs, the Anglo-Saxon was with cool strategy trying to devise some plan for the re

11 Ibid., January 3.

12 ibid., December 28, 1875.

covery of his ante-bellum control of the state. The exciting force of the movement begun in Hibernian Hall was the corruption and grotesque incompetence of the new rulers, which had culminated in the election of Whipper and Moses; the determining cause, which would have exerted itself sooner or later regardless of the trend of political events, was that wealth, white skin and superior intelligence were determined to assert themselves over poverty, black skin and inferior intelligence.

In accomplishing the end in the memorable campaign of 1876 three principles, learned from the sad experience of the state, were always kept in view. First, the whites must be aroused to a delirium equal to that of Secession days through legitimate and illegitimate means of excitement. Second, the negroes, or a fraction of them, must be induced to vote Democratic or be kept away from the polls. And, third, the sympathy or neutrality of the North in the coming struggle must be secured. A perusal of the documents bearing on the subsequent campaign reveals with what remarkable forethought the changing Democratic leadership adhered to these principles so necessary to victory.1

13

In using Chamberlain as a wedge through which Republicans might be made reformers, Dawson and Conner found the enthusiastic backing of the articulate majority of South Carolina white opinion. In Sumter, in the circuit for which Moses had been chosen judge, the legislature was denounced, and Chamberlain, "who had illustrated by his conduct the noble ends which may be achieved by a stranger, who differs from us in matters of political faith, but who unites with good men in measures of political reform," was endorsed.14 A mass meeting of both races, led by Judge Alfred Aldrich, commended Chamberlain in Barnwell. In Spartanburg the issue was "higher than party."15 Horry gave "Chamberlain highest meed of thanks."16 Chesterfield, white by large majority, "heartily commended Governor Chamberlain." "We pledge our coöperation in all wise measures that may be

*

13 Atlantic Monthly, vol. 39, p. 185.

14 N. and C., January 4; Allen, The Administration of Governor Chamberlain

in South Carolina, pp. 210-11.

15 Ibid., January 6.

16 Ibid., January 7.

resolved upon to bring about radical reform in the administration of the State."17

Important, in consequence of the new stand of Chamberlain and the South Carolina Democrats, was the changing attitude of Northern opinion as illustrated by expression of the Northern press, excepting Grant's journal, the Washington National Republican. The Boston Advertiser, the New York Nation, Harper's Weekly, the Springfield Republican, New York Tribune, Chicago Tribune, all joined in the chorus against Whipper and Moses and in commendation of Chamberlain and the South Carolina whites.18

Briefly summarized, the arguments advanced by Dawson in favor of coalition with Chamberlain were: First, the positive evidence of Chamberlain's reform of administration, as advanced in a series of brilliant editorials. Second, the apparent helplessness of holding or changing Northern opinion on any other basis than a plan through which fifteen or twenty thousand of the estimated Republican majority of thirty to forty thousand could be converted to vote for a reformer along with the white minority. Third, previous attempts at coöperation of the Democrats with reforming Republicans had failed on account of half-heartedness. Fourth, the machinery of election was in the hands of Chamberlain's radical board of state canvassers, federal troops, and United States deputy marshals, who, it was believed, stood ready to intimidate any party that dared oppose the man in power.19

Yet there was at this time a determined minority of the Democratic party bent on complete Democratic success or complete failure. To them all Republicans bidding for the negro vote looked the same. They put Chamberlain in the same class with Moses. To them the rule of property and white skin came first; reform, second. They believed that the Anglo-Saxon could rule regardless of black majority by the might of his superior powers of initiative and the negro's inherited tendency to submit. By strong-arm tactics and brave words the negro could be made to vote Democratic or to stay away from the polls by the use of terroristic methods. Northern public opinion,

17 Ibid., January 14-February 1.

18 Allen, pp. 226-242.

19 N. and C., March 8, January 25 and 28. The census of 1875 placed the white voting population at 74,199; the black at 110,744.

slowly reverting from the abnormal war enthusiasm to the traditional Anglo-Saxon contempt for the black man, could be placated by specious words.

This movement, known as the Straight-Out Movement, naturally had its origin in the upper counties of the state where the smaller black majority was less likely to bring despair of success. A perusal of the News and Courier of that day reveals a letter written January 6, signed Payson, as a first published manifestation of the developing Straight-Out sentiment. The first determined move in this direction was the refusal of a white mass meeting, held at Edgefield Court House on the same day as the Payson letter, to endorse Chamberlain along with the usual condemnation of Whipper and Moses. General M. C. Butler, Colonel H. D. Capers and J. C. Sheppard voiced their opposition to compromise and their desire that the policy of the Democratic party be determined by a convention.20 In Aiken, the adjoining county to Edgefield, after a prolonged debate a mass meeting of Democrats refused to endorse Chamberlain.21 The Edgefield Advertiser called for a "local ticket as straight as a gun-barrel."22 The Abbeville Medium was more frank in its expression of the real plan of these radical whites: "The Democratic party means to carry this state in the next election. * * * The people are determined to succeed by fair or foul means * The next campaign will be short, sharp and decisive."23 In Anderson, the first county to complete its organization of the party, the convention favored "making no further attempts at compromise with the Republican party."24 Such was the voice of a considerable element of upper South Carolina Democratic opinion. Evidently there was to be a clash on the floor of the state convention called to meet in Columbia May 5, for the purpose of determining the line of policy best to be pursued.

*

*

Accordingly, the State Democratic Convention called "to learn, at last, the lesson of activity from our adversaries," met at the appointed place on the appointed time. Its roster was composed largely of names then identified with the planting and

20 Ibid., January 7 and 10, March 13.

21 Ibid., February 5.

Ibid., January 15.

23 Ibid., January 29.

24 Anderson Intelligencer, in N. and C., February 18.

commercial interests of the state and formerly with Confederate and slave history. A notable absence was the future leader of the party, General Wade Hampton. Only two colored men, delegates from Sumter, appeared on the list.

The first main contest was precipitated by the introduction by General Johnston Hagood of a resolution designed to lay down as the only work of the convention the election of delegates to the coming national convention at St. Louis, and the election of an executive committee to carry on the life of the party until a second state convention should be called. J. N. Lipscomb, of Newberry, and Butler vainly tried to frustrate this plan by proposing a definite substitute plan of action. On the second day of the convention the issue was brought to a head by a debate between the forces of immediate action, led by Generals Butler and Martin W. Gary, and the forces of inaction, led by the elder statesmen of the convention-Kennedy, Kershaw, ex-Governor Manning, and Conner. Two resolutions setting forth the conflict of opinion were submitted to the executive committee of the party. After a lengthy session of the committee, Kennedy-Butler, the chairman, dissenting-presented the majority report favoring Conner's policy. A fiery debate was immediately inaugurated by the introduction by Gary of a substitute resolution providing "that the state Democratic party will nominate Straight-Out Democrats for Federal and State offices." In a passionate attempt to convert the convention to his views he accused the majority of timidity and the Charleston delegation of connivance with Chamberlain. "The man who dares, wins; not he who holds back," cried this South Carolina Danton. Butler, with more moderation than his colleagues, stigmatized those who defended Chamberlain. "The only possible way to redeem the state," he said, "is to nominate a true liberal native ticket * *, and carry the war into Africa."

With cool conciliatory words of wisdom Conner and Kennedy without much effort carried their policy to victory by a vote of seventy-two to forty-two. Then the convention adjourned subject to the call of the reconstituted executive committee.25 Thus Butler and Gary had suffered temporary de

25 N. and C., May 7-8.