was planned by the wirepullers of the second revolution helped by MEISSNER.

The SA and all other forces which were headed for an outburst had undoubtedly seen in my Marburg speech, thousands of handwritten copies of which were being spread through the country, the first step by the "reaction". Therefore they pressed for a decision.

On Saturday 30 June, at 11 o'clock in the morning, while I was sitting in my office in the Voss Strasse, I was requested to come and see GOERING for a conversation. The gate of his palace was strongly guarded by police and Air Force elements when I arrived. I met him, with HIMMLER, in his office. He informed. me that the SA had started a second revolution, that the Fuehrer had flown to Munich in order to liquidate ROEHM and his forces, while he, GOERING, had complete powers to clear Berlin. Fighting was said to be in progress everywhere. My life was supposed to be in the greatest danger. He requested me to go home immediately, and not to leave my apartment during the following days. He would post a sentry to look after my security.

I opposed this most strongly. I emphasized that as ViceChancellor of the government it was impossible for me to allow myself to be removed, that I was still Vice-Chancellor, and that I alone was responsible for the security of my person. Moreover, I carried a responsibility for the absent Chancellor, as indeed for the entire government, I asked GOERING for further information on the situation, about which I had known nothing, and suggested that the army be mobilized immediately in order to suppress the "Putsch". He said that that was already being carried out, but refused to give more information about the situation and the measures which he had taken..

Meanwhile telephone conversations were carried on and whispered information was passed on by HIMMLER from which I gathered that the SS was then occupying the Vice-Chancellory. I knew then that the blow was also directed against myself, the "reactionary Vice-Chancellor", and that GOERING was either trying to save my life from the revolutionaries or to have me killed outside the Vice-Chancellory.

GOERING accompanied me to my car after the stormy conversation, and requested me to go immediately to my apartment. A sizeable SS escort was on hand. It was a helpless situation.

As we were leaving I said to the police escort officer, "First I must fetch my documents in the Vice-Chancellory", and then shouted to the Chauffeur "Voss Strasse!"

Under any circumstances I wanted to try to get in touch with

the gentlemen in my office. Before Voss Strasse 2 I found a strong array of SS men with machine guns in position. I rushed up, closely followed by my guards. On the stairs and before each room stood agents of the Gestapo with automatics. I was refused entry into the rooms of my associates. I went to my own office, where I found my desk torn apart and ransacked. I snatched up some documents. Since I was not allowed to see or speak with anyone of my associates, or even telephone, I finally left the house. We drove to my residence at Lenne Strasse 9, and found it already occupied by the SS. The surrounding area was blocked off. I was told that I was not to leave, and that I could not have any connection whatsoever with the outside. A police captain was stationed in my ante-room.

At this time, my wife and two of my daughters were making a week-end trip in southern Norwegian waters at the invitation of Herr ROSELIUS of Bremen. They received the news of the new revolution while at sea, and my wife had no idea whether she would find me alive when she finally reached the house on Monday evening. Luckily, my daughter Frau von STOCKHAUSEN happened to be visiting me. I was able to discuss my situation, which was completely unclear to all of us, with her and with my son, who was taking his legal examinations just at that time. He had seen fighting and shooting in the Tiergarten Strasse on his way home, and reached the house only with serious difficulty.

I pinned my hopes on the army. Generaloberst von BLOMBERG and the local commanders could not look on with complete indifference while the Party militia, led by adventurers of the worst kind-by homosexuals and pimps-set themselves up in state authority through a coup d'etat.

The Field Marshal lay fatally ill in "Neudeck". It was very possible that he, too, was cut off and had no information at all about the events. If, as I hoped, the "Reichswehr" put an end to this bogey under the leadership of a determined general, then it was very possible that all "reactionaries" who found themselves in the power of the revolutionaries, myself foremost, would be killed.

Thus I waited hourly to be led to my execution and arranged my final affairs with my children. Saturday 30 June, Sunday 1 July, and Monday 2 July passed by in the greatest tension for all of us, but without bringing what I feared.

From the window of my study, which opened onto the "Tiergarten", I could watch the traffic in the Lenne Strasse. I noticed that some of my friends, including, happily enough, the American

Ambassador, Mr DODD, were walking back and forth trying to determine if I were still alive.

When my wife finally arrived on Monday evening the 2 July she was able to give me the broad outlines of what had meanwhile been announced over the radio or in the press. It appeared that the Party, under the leadership of HITLER and GOERING, had broken the revolt. I therefore decided early Tuesday 3 July to get in touch with GOERING and to demand my immediate release.

There ensued a telephone conversation with GOERING during which he appeared most surprised and astonished to learn that I had been confined. The whole affair, he said, had been a very regrettable "misunderstanding" and he had simply intended to place an SS guard at my disposal Saturday evening "for the security of my person". Naturally I could leave my house whenever I wished. (Here I can add that in 1943 one of my friends told me that he was chatting one evening in Bucharest with a well-known Gestapo agent. By chance they mentioned me. Thereupon the man said that he had had orders to kill me, but that GOERING had prevented it.)

I then sat down at my desk and sent a letter to HITLER demanding to be received immediately. Meanwhile I had learned that during the occupation of my office in the Voss Strasse my press advisor, Major A. D. von BOSE, had been summarily shot "while attempting to resist arrest" and that both my personal adjutants, Herr von TSCHIRSCHKY and Graf KAGENECK, were arrested. I was told that HITLER wished to receive me immediately.

When I arrived at the Reich Chancellery I was told that the cabinet had just convened, and that I would find the Chancellor in the Cabinet Room. As I entered the chamber, I found the entire government of the Reich listening to a speech by HITLER, which apparently had just begun. The Chancellor rose when I appeared, walked towards me, and wanted to conduct me to my chair next to his. I told him that I simply wanted to speak to him alone, and had not the slightest intention of taking my seat in the Cabinet, from which I had resigned two weeks previously. HITLER appeared bewildered and excited. We went into the next room.

After I had given expression to my anger over the disgraceful treatment of the second highest official of the Reich, I told him that he certainly could not expect me to remain another hour a member of a government which stood for rule by murder and assassination, and was now publicly attempting to hide it. Need

less to say HITLER attempted to defend the necessity of the action and declared the murder of Bose as lawful because he was liable to punishment for having carried on a treasonable conspiracy with the foreign press and besides had offered resistance when being arrested. I demanded proof and a thorough inquiry as well as the immediate release of my adjutants.

He said he regretted deeply my decision to resign immediately. However, he asserted that he would not be in a position to make this resignation public for a month or so, "so as not to disturb the calm of the public opinion".

I repeated that my political reputation demanded an immediate announcement. Under no circumstances could I bear to have the impression abroad that I remained in authority during the events of 30 June.

It was no use. Since the press was completely controlled by the government I knew that it was impossible to inform the public without his sanction. However, I hoped to be able to get in touch with HINDENBURG within the next few days. HITLER closed this conversation with the request that I would at least appear at the Reichstag the following day, 4 July, when he wanted to give the German people an account of everything.

Of course I kept away from this monstrous session in which he informed the astonished world that he alone would take full responsibility for the shooting of 80-100 persons who were murdered, guilty or not, without any trial. Their actual number was never published. But I learned that day that with the others, E. JUNG, a member of the New Conservative Movement [Jungkonservativen], who was closely associated with me, was also shot. My attempts to clear up this case had just as little success as in the case of BOSE.

E. JUNG had been in touch with me following my appointment to the Vice-Chancellory. I had not known him previously. He was a keen, intelligent person, a representative of the younger generation. The war and the years of sacrifice fighting the French for the Rhineland had hardened him, filled him with a tremendous zeal for the high political ideals of a conservative state leadership. When in 1932 I perceived it was my duty to inform the country of the grounds which finally led to the formation of the HITLER government and at the same time to warn that trusted conservative principles should form a bulwark against this revolutionary movement (see two volumes of selected speeches Oldenburg), I found in E. JUNG a pleasant assistant, with whom I could exchange views on these matters and from

whom I drew much inspiration. When I was very busy he made many a rough sketch for a speech, though I edited and completed them according to my own taste. And if I express my thanks at this time to my murdered associate, whom I learned to esteem in the half-year of our mutual efforts-thanks for his selfless struggle, for his patriotic convictions-so may I also add that I have committed no spiritual plagiarism by publicly announcing the principles to which I have clung for my entire life. Unfortunately, E. JUNG was accustomed to overemphasize in opposite party circles the services which he rendered me. One may assume that this was the reason why his young, unfinished life was taken on 30 June.

On the day, 5 July, following the Reichstag session I learned that my failure to appear on the government bench caused a sensation. So at least I had the satisfaction of knowing that my closer friends saw in this an act of separation from this government.

In the afternoon of the 5th July, the Secretary of the Chancery of the Reich, Dr LAMMERS, appeared at my residence. The Fuehrer requested me to accept the post of Minister to the Vatican, with the added inducement that the question of salary would be settled as liberally as I wished. This was too much. I am a courteous man and was brought up to behave like a gentleman in any situation in life. But I threw Herr LAMMERS downstairs and told him to tell the Fuehrer that I considered this attempt to bribe me an extraordinary insolence! My wife witnessed this scene. For a long time she had had a strong dislike of any political collaboration with the Nazis and had always warned me with her unfailing instinct. This was the first time that I received her complete approval.

My attempts to get in touch with HINDENBURG were utterly in vain. One of my loyal associates, Freiherr W. von KETTELER, went at once secretly to Herr von OLDENBURG-JANNUSCHAU in East Prussia, who was a neighbor and an old friend of the Field Marshal. He hoped to inform the Field Marshal about the actual events and to be able to induce him to intervene. In vain! With the connivance of State Secretary Dr MEISSNER an impenetrable cordon was thrown about "Neudeck", and only persons approved by HITLER could pass through. How much of this was done with the agreement of the son of the Field Marshal I cannot say. I am of the impression that Oskar von HINDENBURG, who was deeply interested in political questions, could have broken through this ring-had he been con