in this country, are always astonished at the high cultural level in Bohemia and Moravia.

(3) History finally shows, that the practice of incorporating Bohemia into the Reich, at first as a tributary and then as a fief was an advantageous solution for both sides. The withdrawal of Bohemia in the 16th century is not an isolated process, but is one of the many cases of the breaking up of the Old Reich into separate territories. The break took place in connection with and was caused by the great religious confessional antagonisms which led to political cleavages not only between neighbour peoples but also within the individual peoples. From 1526 until 1918 Bohemia was then again made a part of a comprehensive and vast state structure, and lived in it in a kind of political autonomy. Only the Masaryk-Benes epoch produces an attempt at absolute opposition to Germanism.

If the territorial situation forces the inclusion of Bohemia and Moravia in the Reich, the racial picture provided by the Czechs permits a policy of assimilation or of changing nationality for a majority of the Czechs: the past finally demonstrates the protectorate-like form of the inclusion of Bohemia in the Old Reich as it proved itself during centuries.

II. At present the Czech people are in the midst of a real and extremely severe spiritual-political crisis. The collapse came suddenly and catastrophically. A tremendous number of new things have stormed in on the Czechs. They have not as yet found a way out of the collapse of the old values, concepts and orientations. The present mental-spiritual attitude of the Czech people is somewhat as follows:

(1) In the case of the one-time exploiters and of the majority of the intelligentsia, who are very numerous in proportion to the total population and who are very conceited: they hope that we will be defeated and that Czechoslovakia will subsequently be resurrected. This class is irreconcilable.

(2) Then and that also in the circles of the elder intelligentsia-a class of Czechs who entertained doubts of the durability of the 1918 arrangement even in Czechoslovakia. (Advocates of the former Austro-Slavism, older State officials, as well as officers and men faithful to Austria). These people are beginning to remember that they had lived well for centuries while they were part of a foreign State union.

(3) A factor comprising primarily the wide class of peasants, workers and petits bourgeois which until now we have hardly worked on at all in the way of political propaganda. Their national consciousness bears no strongly developed national-political, but a more patriotic, folk lore note. This circle may follow a clever German leadership, if it can continue in this manner for the time being and if it is no longer incited by the intellectuals.

B. Analysis of the present constitutional and political shape of Bohemia and Moravia.

The constitutional position of the Reich provinces of Bohemia and Moravia has not reached its final shape with the setting up of the Protectorate, and the Czech problem cannot yet be regarded as having been finally solved thereby. On the contrary, only the first stage of a process has thereby been entered on. The war has greatly influenced this course. The effect has been partly to speed it up, in as far as the Reich has attained a dominant position in Europe and the world within a short space of time, whereby a certain part of the external political considerations of March 1939 have been eliminated; and partly obstructive, because the need for the contribution of the Protectorate to efforts vital for the war, (intensive agricultural production, production of arms and munitions, functioning of trade and traffic) forbids any attack on the Czech national spirit because of possible interruptions in the smooth-running of production on which might result for the duration of the war.

The setting up of a central Reich authority which is subordinated only to the Fuehrer has proved itself absolutely correct. Under the leadership of the Reich Protector, the Czechs have, by and large, rendered their contribution to the production demands of the Reich, during the war also, without any big acts of sabotage, partly out of conviction that only thus would they maintain their autonomy and secure their national existence and partly for fear of punishment. The Czech administration, controlled and directed by the Reich Protector, has functioned and works even in times of crisis without serious disturbances, owing to suitable German pressure.

Nevertheless, the Reich Protector is today forced to maintain an administrative activity based on the status quo. We cannot be satisfied with this kind of stationary policy in the long run, but must emerge from this passive attitude one day and enter upon an attack against this area and against the Czech people within the framework of a plan embracing the whole Reich. This then necessitates a change of the constitutional structure of the Protectorate, since the further undisturbed functioning of the Reich Protector's present administrative apparatus does not by itself bring about the assimilation or Germanisation of the Czechs.

C. Opinion on various Party and other Projects Various Party and State authorities are at present concerning themselves intensively with the future shaping of the BohemianMoravian area and the solution of the Czech problem. The causes for these projects are:

(1) The plans of individual Gauleiters concerning the reforming and remodelling of their regions. (Sudetendistrict, Lower Danube, Upper Danube, Silesia etc.).

(2) Constitutional deliberations by some State authorities concerning Reich reforms and the New Order of the coming Reich. (Ministry of the Interior, Hess' Staff).

(3) Certain economic and financial interests of Berlin State departments (Ministries of economy, finance, food, postal services and transport).

Nearly all of these projects foresee as speedy a dissolution of the Protectorate as possible and with that of the office of Reich Protector, demand a splitting up into 3 or 4 Reich Gaus of the territory which is at present one whole and with this the earliest possible total incorporation into the Reich administration. From such a splitting up of the Czechs into several Reich Gaus, they expect-besides a simplification of the Administration-a speedy solution of the Czech nationality problem, i.e. Germanisation in a short time by means of the offensive power possessed by the Gaus.

The efforts of the Lower Danube Gau leadership aim at sepаrating Moravia and joining it to the present Lower Danube Gau, with Brno as the Gau capital, and intend Bohemia as a kind of Czech "reserve". From the Lower Danube to Silesia a German corridor is to be created. In this connection the tribal differences of the "Moravian Slavs" are also specially speculated upon.

To this the following has to be pointed out:

(1) The decision about the solution of the Czech problem must not be made dependent on the special interests of individual Gauleiters, however justified such interests may seem at present. The New Order of the Reich is at stake, and with it the final solution of the Czech question, i.e. Reich interests and not Gau interests. The latter are to be subordinated to the former. The emphasis on the primary importance of Reich interests excludes neither the bringing in of the native forces in the adjoining frontier areas which have proved themselves in the racial struggle, nor consideration for the requirements of the industries belonging to these areas, industries which for ages had their natural marketing area in Bohemia and Moravia.

(2) The opinion that, by splitting up the national bloc living in one closed body and distributing it to several Reich Gaus the Czechs can be Germanised more rapidly-these projects too consider total evacuation impossible to carry out—is wrong for these

reasons:

a. because the first reaction to partition would be an increase in political tension among the Czechs, the flaring up of resistance and a fresh growth of political consciousness among the Czechs, whereas what is desired is to make them unpolitical and disorganized;

b. because administrative frontiers can never destroy a united people and an administrative splitting up unfortunately does not end the existence of a Czech nationhood very conscious of unity. History has proved this in Poland, which was thrice incorporated by partition into three different states. It was then that the political regeneration of the Polish people really started in earnest;

c. because, against a Czech nationhood which in reality remains unified, there would stand-not a unified Reich authority but a number of Gau offices or Reich Governorates working and experimenting along different lines, as we know from experience. The German strength would be split up, and the vital Czech people would find it easier to deal with these divided German forces;

d. because such an official "Czech partition" brings with it sharp reactions in the field of foreign politics and disturbs the Reich's policy of wide spaces in the South East. To this must be added the fact that the Czechs were not incorporated as a result of war, but that they asked for protection, which might perhaps frighten other South Eastern peoples off doing this.

It should further be noted that the creation of a "Czech reserve" in Bohemia does not constitute a constructive solution, as this gives rise to new administrative problems and the "Czech reserve" is not Germanised the problem thus remaining. In addition it is hardly possible to prevent these Czechs multiplying in the Reserve and they will shortly begin to emigrate once more into the neighboring frontier areas.

D. Own Opinion

The aim of Reich policy in Bohemia and Moravia must be the complete Germanisation of area and people. In order to attain this, there are two possibilities:

I. The total evacuation of the Czechs from Bohemia and Mora

via to a territory outside the Reich and settling Germans in the freed territory, or

II. if one leaves the majority of the Czechs in Bohemia and Moravia, the simultaneous application of a great variety of methods working towards Germanisation, in accordance with a plan containing a target year.

Such a Germanisation provides for:

(1) The changing of the nationality of racially suitable Czechs;

(2) The expulsion of racially unassimilable Czechs and of the intelligentsia who are enemies of the Reich, or "special treatment" for these and all destructive elements:

(3) The recolonising of the territory thus freed with fresh German blood.

To I: I consider that the total expulsion of 7.2 million Czechs is impossible to carry out,

a. because there is no space available where they can be settled afresh;

b. because there are no Germans available who can immediately fill the vacated space;

c. because the core of Europe which is highly civilized and highly sensitive, economically and in the technical field of communications cannot stand being disturbed in its functions and cannot tolerate a vacuum;

d. because human beings represent Reich capital and we, in the new Reich, can not do without the working power of 7 million Czechs;

e. because probably the shock effects on other South Eastern peoples are undesirable.

To II: In my opinion, Germanisation can nevertheless be achieved by means of the three possibilities here mentioned. The successful attempts at assimilation in past centuries, the bringing of millions of Czechs to the German racial level which thereby took place, and which is described above and the power of attraction of the new Reich make it possible and probable that several million Czechs can be got really to transform themselves nationally. To separate this transformable part of the Czech population from those who are racially inferior is the task of special commissions of investigation, to be appointed for this purpose. (Perhaps within the framework of the public health services). Via a systematically carried out political neutralization and depoliticalisation, one must first of all arrive at a political (spir