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In 1932, Kammerhofer concluded in Liezen with Obergruppenfuehrer Reschny the so-called Liezner Agreement according to which both organizations were fused. At that time, together with me, most of the members of the Heimatschutz of the districts in East Styria resigned. They refused to accept the leadership of the Styrian Heimatschutz and placed themselves directly under Starhemberg's command. On March 7, 1938, Seyss-Inquart told me personally that it was only in 1932 that he joined the Styrian Heimatschutz, that he was accepted by the commander (Landesleiter), the engineer Franz Pichler of Waitz, and that he never resigned. In other words, he joined this organization just prior to its being outlawed in 1933 and at a time when Kammerhofer presented the Styrian Heimatschutz as a combat force of Adolf Hitler, doing so not only in my district, but throughout most of Styria and in the same year when Kammerhofer and Reschny carried out the fusion. Therefore, Seyss-Inquart's statement that he was not a member of the NSDAP is, perhaps, formally correct, but the statement that he was not illegal, is an intentional falsification. On the same day and during the same conversation, Seyss-Inquart represented the Anschluss as being imminent and said: "Hitler would perhaps be satisfied for the time being if we" entered into the Italian-German alliance "as a movable link," if we pursued a purely German policy and if we did not enter into any agreements whatsoever with any nonGerman country such as Czechoslovakia, France, etc. However, the Fuehrer is at the present time under Rosenberg's influence and it is the latter who is pressing for the Anschluss.

[signed] Dr. Andreas Morsey


Berlin W 8, 1 Voss Strasse, 30 January 1939

Der Stabschef [Chief of Staff]

To: Reichleiter Alfred Rosenberg

Margarethenstrasse 17

Berlin W 35

Dear Party Member Rosenberg:

Please accept my thanks for your congratulations incidental to the Fuehrer's decree which assigns all pre-military and postmilitary training to the SA.



With the assurance of my continued loyalty as fellow combatant

Date stamp at Rosenberg Chancery:

Entered under No. 6009

Received: 31 January 1939

Rt; submitted 31 January

Heil Hitler


[signed] LUTZE



By SS Brigadefuehrer Fritz Rainer Gauleiter of Salzburg

We were in the battle all through March 11, 1938. At 5 o'clock Globocnik and I had gone to the Federal Chancellery where we met Dr. Seyss-Inquart who had been in the most gruelling negotiations ever since 1 o'clock. We had to force the formation of the National Socialist cabinet under Dr. Seyss-Inquart that very night, or else civil war would have flared up. At 7:30 Miklas had said his last word. He remained firm and refused to have a government under a National Socialist Federal Chancellor.

I agreed with Globocnik that he should stay in the Federal Chancellery and advance there the development by all means while I hurried to the command posts of the party to give the orders for the occupation of the country. Klausner, the recently deceased Gauleiter of Carinthia, had given both of us general authority. At 8 in the evening I met at headquarters in the Seitzergasse, Lukesch, the Fuehrer of the SA, and Kaltenbrunner, the fuehrer of the SS. Lukesch was able to mobilize 6,000 SA men within half an hour. In addition Kaltenbrunner commanded 700 SS men. These 6,700 men received the order to advance toward and occupy the Federal Chancellery and to hold the Ring and the building until the National Socialist Government was proclaimed. A special detachment of 40 SS men under the command of Kaltenbrunner's adjutant, Felix Rinner, received the order to force their way into and occupy the Federal Chancellery. In the meantime Klausner had arrived. I asked him for the instruction to issue to all nine Gauleiters in Austria the order for the seizure of power by the party. At 8:30 this order was issued and with it the seizure of power for A. Hitler rolled over the country. Upon an urgent call from the Federal Chancellery I


returned at 9 o'clock to that place. When I arrived at the gate, entrance was refused. Through the narrow peephole I saw the shining bayonets of the guards. The building was occupied by the police and the guards. Outside security guards were concentrated in large numbers. At last, upon the intervention of Dr. Seyss-Inquart, I was admitted through a back-door, had to climb over machine guns and open munition boxes in order to get to the second floor where my comrades were assembled. Under these circumstances I deemed it impossible for Felix Rinner to carry out his order. Now there arrived minute after minute the news of the occupation of the country and of the most important positions in Vienna. General Secretariat of the Fatherland Front, Ministry of War, Trade Unions' Building, Ravag. It was going on 10 o'clock when the commanding officer of the guards reported to the Minister of Security, Dr. Seyss, who happened to be in our room, that a man accompanied by 40 others demanded to be let in through the gate, invoking higher orders. I quickly informed Dr. Seyss that these were Rinner and his 40 men who had been detailed for the occupation of the Federal Chancellery. Dr. Seyss ordered that Rinner be brought upstairs. I shall never forget this moment. Escorted by a guardsman as tall as a lamppost, Felix Rinner, the famous Austrian track champion and all-round athlete, stepped into the room where expectation had reached the boiling point. He wore a shabby dark overcoat, no hat, his face was pale and resolved, a swastika brassard was around his arm. Rinner was the first National Socialist Sturmfuehrer who entered enemy headquarters during the night of liberation.

Dr. Seyss, on his own responsibility, gave the order to open the gate and to let the 40 men in. These 40 men knew what was at stake for them. Two-thirds of them had been there on July 25th, 1934, when the SS Standarte had for the first time fought its way into the Federal Chancellery. Then they had faced death boldly for weeks and for years had they been in prison. Now they had fallen in a second time to force the decision for the movement. They had nothing but pistols, no uniforms, the swastika brassard over the coat, 40 determined men whom no power could oppose. While the political negotiations continued and from the country there came in by telephone one victory message after another, while the report of the investment of the Federal Chancellery by 6,700 stormtroopers was carried to Miklas and gigantic demonstrations of the population assembled in Vienna surging toward the building, while the members of the coming cabinet, first of all Klausner, arrived at the Federal Chancellery, while all these

nightly events rolled off in feverish haste, Rinner posted one SS guard after another in the Federal Chancellery. Ludwig was still hanging on the telephone and begging Paris and London for help when suddenly two SS men as tall as lamp-posts entered his room and took their posts. He then gave up. Under the pressure of this national uprising and of the news from the Reich, Miklas collapsed. He accepted the resignation of Schuschnigg and entrusted around midnight Seyss-Inquart with the formation of a cabinet. He had to set his signature under the new cabinet, then he was escorted to a motor car. When he stepped out of his room, two SS men were posted as sentries at the door. He took off his top hat and bowed before them who looked at him in iron discipline and cold contempt, leaving his office never to return.

I hereby certify that the above document is a complete and correct copy of a newspaper article by Dr. FRIEDRICH RAINER published on 12 March 1939, and that this copy is part of the files of the Landgericht for Criminal Procedure Vienna in the case against Dr. SCHMIDT and others.

Nurnberg, 10 June 1946


[signed] Dr. Wolfgang Lassmann

Representative of the Republic of Austria

Federal Ministry of Justice.


[The attached document is the text of a speech made by Dr. FRIEDRICH RAINER on 11 March 1942 in Klagenfurt before the Leaders Corps and the bearers of honor insignia (Ehrenzeichen) and blood orders (Blutorden) of the Gau Karinthia. This document is part of the files of the Landgericht for Criminal Procedure Vienna in the case against Dr. SCHMIDT and others.] National Socialism in Austria from the July Rebellion in 1934 to the Seizure of Power on 11 March 1938.

Speech by Gauleiter Dr. Friedrich Rainer made on 11 March 1942 in Klagenfurt before the Leaders Corps and the bearers of honor insignia [Ehrenzeichen] and blood orders [Blutorden] of the Gau Karinthia.


My Party comrades, Ladies and Gentlemen:






Beginning with back of page 7

* ** We had the following political attitude:

The Ministry Glaise-Horstenau was designated to function as appeasing Ministry. Negotiations were under way between the German Reich and Austria with regard to the press system and the exchange of books. Within the Party internal discussions started again within a short time. Differences of opinion about the agreement soon appeared again. That led to the fact that Captain Leopold began to represent a different attitude from that of us three Karinthia representatives. Leopold was of the opinion that it would be possible to get permission from Schuschnigg directly to rebuild the NSDAP in the form of a cultural association. We were of the opinion that any legal form of association (even a rabbit breeding association) could only be permitted if we made an ideological compromise; but this would be impossible. The ideological line must be kept.

[Page 8]

I relied on the Fuehrer word: "My idea will also melt those ice blocks on the other side." From this I recognized that the Fuehrer, first of all had confidence in the dynamics of his idea. Then: "Did you use all political possibilities." There were different ones to be utilized in the process of which we tried to avoid bringing the unity of the Party to a breaking point again. That demanded the severest personal sacrifices. We had to take accusations bordering on the grotesque. We had to meet situations sounding overaged today; at that time it was a matter of life and death. We had to fight it through. I tried over and over again to explain my attitude to Leopold and his co-workers. Jury again and again met me half way. After Leopold expressed confidence in myself and Globus, Klausner was compelled to talk to him. There were, to say it again difficult discussions. There already was a representative of the Reich involved, Gruppenfuehrer Kepler and his co-worker Kaesemeier, who were present as the official representatives of the Fuehrer.

At the end of 1936 the time had come when Kepler declared unequivocally: The political programatic represented by the Carinthians is the only correct one. But it must be tried to make this attitude into the generally accepted one, so that Leopold is converted to it. I should like to state: Party comrade Leopold, who was killed in the East, stands firmly in his clear-cut attitude; existing political mistakes cannot be considered as a guilt in retrospect.

At that time it was difficult to find the right way. I believe

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