Glaise arrived. He brought information from the Fuehrer. Glaise with Seyss together went to Schuschnigg and demanded the fixing of a constitutional vote within a period of 6 weeks according to the constitution of the 1 May. Schuschnigg declined. The two ministers retreated to the office of direction of state affairs.

We were all together there, Klausner, Jury, Muehlmann, Globus, and myself. The two ministers told us everything. I knew that the Fuehrer only waited for a cue from us. We retired together with Klausner, Jury and Globus, and Klausner declared: On my authority as the leader of the Austrian National Socialists I order you to issue a written ultimatum to the Schuschnigg Government. In the event of nonacceptance of the ultimatum they will have to tender their resignation by 2 o'clock in the afternoon. The text of this ultimatum, again composed by myself and Seyss, was written by me and sent to the Bundeskanzler. Upon its receipt he called together his ministers for 2 o'clock.

It was therefore not possible to enforce the time-limit of 14 o'clock. Thereupon we stated the following: if a satisfactory answer is not forthcoming until 3 o'clock at a certain telephone number, the Party will proceed to seize power. The Party will assume that Schuschnigg declined the ultimatum and that both ministers were imprisoned. In this case a proclamation already prepared for such an event and ready in the print-shops of the Party was to be issued to the population. Thus individual actions for seizure of power will be initiated.

I

As the loss of Party leadership would have spelled unpredictable results, Klausner and Jury had to betake themselves to a battle-station near Vienna. SA and SS have moved into camouflaged quarters. Klausner transferred to Globus and myself the further execution of political action. We took the last political documents in safekeeping. Meanwhile, it was 2:30 o'clock. parted from Globus and went to the telephone where I was to receive Seyss call. The phone rang at 2:45. The Bundeskanzler had agreed to one half of our demand. The people were to vote on it. He declined however, to carry out the constitutional vote. Afterwards he declared a state of emergency: curfew for the population, mobilization of the Army Bundesheer and of the police. I requested Seyss to continue negotiating and I faced a difficult decision. What should I tell the Gauleiters? Since 14 o'clock they are waiting for announcement of case 1, case 2 or case 3. Was there no possibility to issue other directives? I

could not wait for a directive from Berlin. It was important to me in this critical moment, to fill the party with confidence and bring them out on the streets. I passed on case 1.

At the same time the result was telephoned by the Embassy in Vienna to the Reichs Chancery. Shortly afterwards Goering was on the phone and demanded to speak to his brother-in-law Hueber. I listened to the conversation. Goering said that in the Fuehrer's name a partial solution of the problem could not be accepted. The Fuehrer had given Schuschnigg all possible chances. Schuschnigg did not react. Now, one had to speak in a different tone. The shame of fraternal war would have to cease. Schuschnigg has only time until 5 o'clock or he must resign. A government under Seyss must be formed or else we march. This report had to be forwarded to Seyss who was negotiating in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Globus went there. I changed my position and went to another telephone in the inner city. A short time later I was called by Globus. It was no longer necessary to submit to Seyss the contents of the telephone message. It was already presented to Schuschnigg in the form of a stenogram, as all conversations in the Embassy were being listened in. There was a conference between the two. In this conference, Schuschnigg resigned at 3:30 o'clock. Globus was looking for me. Seyss requested an order from me. I explained it was important to legalize the formations as quickly as possible. Seyss would have to continue negotiating. SA and SS would have to report to the police as security organs. That was done. Shortly afterward Globus appears with his car and says to me: "Things are terrible in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Miklas declines to accept Schuschnigg's resignation."

We returned to the German Embassy and Globus now telephoned Goering and told him what he had ascertained in the office of the Bundeskanzler. Goering asks for time until 7 o'clock. At the same time the German military attache was ordered to make the strength of German troop concentrations known to Bundes President Miklas. We realize that we have to accomplish everything in this hour, for the situation in Vienna could no longer be held in check. We should have had to fight the Black-Red mob that very night. We deliberated and decided to go personally to the office of the Bundeskanzler. Globus and myself and Muehlmann as our courier went to the office of the Bundeskanzler.

[Page 15]

On the second floor in the hall of columns was Glaise and Seyss.

I

I asked how things were, and Glaise said nothing more could be done. Miklas refused, and negotiations had been broken off. Seyss was finished. I recognized that too. He said he had to rest, go home for a short time. While we were talking, Zernatto came out of Schuschnigg's room. Twice I had had discussions with Zernatto and knew him. Recognizing this difficult situation, I told him my mind, that he was responsible for the civil war, the party could not go back. I held him responsible for the disaster. Zernatto was all in and said he did not know what he could do. He left the house. As I learned later, especially from his book, Zernatto had come to the following opinion: he writes: "When Globotschnig and Rainer had entered the chancellery, we knew that National Socialism could not be held back any more." Actually he drove home, informed Stockinger, put travel money in his pocket, took along the widow of Dollfuss and left by way of Pressburg as the first refugee. Globus and I wanted to talk with Miklas, but he would not receive any National Socialist. The Foreign Minister came and I said that he must see to it that the cabinet with Seyss was reorganized. He went to Schuschnigg and soon after Kepler came by special plane from Berlin with the order to urge on the formation of the Seyss government. Kepler came and I well remember how he came up and said: "Well, how do things stand with the Seyss-Inquart government?" "We are not yet that far." And then Kepler * * is appointed Foreign Minister, Rheinthaler is going to be this, Goering has these desires * * *"" Globus and I were already in a silent rage "We are not yet that far." He then went to Miklas and stated to him the German strategic concentration [Aufmarsch]. Smitz was also in there and Kepler would not permit talk of interference. He shouted at Smitz with the result that Smitz without one word went out through the door and already surrendered inwardly. He had nothing more wherewith to stem the coming flood.

*

In the meantime the situation was this: more and more people in the streets. We knew, that in the meantime in all the cities and villages of Austria torch processions, the demonstrations were getting under way. In Vienna also the streets were full. Many swastika armbands could be seen. The taking over of power was in full sway in the streets. It was 7 o'clock. At 7 o'clock it was so far, that, after a last attempt to negotiate with Miklas, he declared that he could not appoint a National Socialist as "Bundeskanzler". "God help me!" The situation in the chancellery [Bundeskanzleramt] had now become critical. Guards and

police were occupying it. We were a very small group of illegal Nazis, really only Globus and I, a few more people of the field in between, Seyss, Glaise and Muehlmann, Kepler with Kaesemeier. At 7:30 o'clock I said, now the German Armed Forces are marching. Kepler said, the German Armed Forces are not at all marching. Yes, the ultimatum has expired. No, said Kepler, it is not so far. We must create a pretext for the Fuehrer to march in. We must take action of some sort. I said: We must use the moment, when the government believes that the march is on for action and I said, I will give the order for the "Machtuebernahme".

Kepler said, "you can not do that." I said, "Klausner will give me his consent. You are not the authority, you have nothing to command." Globus had to remain behind. I and Kaesemeier drove away. Globus had seized the telephone and constantly used the phone of the chancellery and kept up the connection with [Page 16]

our party offices on the outside. In the meantime Seyss had arrived and Glaise and they steadily continued their discussions under the pressure of the German marching in "Einmarsch". At our billets we found the leaders of the party-formations in highest tension. We occupied our command post in the center of the city. Klausner and Jury arrived there also. He had left the place of safety, which he as General "Feldherr" must occupy and at this moment everything depended on Klausner. I described the situation to him and asked him for the order to strike the first blow. He gave it. I laid the order before the district leadership [Gauleitung] and with unheard of clearness and calmness gave it through by Mohrenschild over the telephone:

"1. Order: In the face of Schuschnigg's resignation and in the absence of a legal government, the leader of the National Socialists, to maintain order and safety, has given the order to Klausner, to Minister Seyss-Inquart to carry out the government, and in agreement with Seyss-Inquart issued the order to seize the power to all party-formations."

This first order was given out at 8 o'clock in the evening. In the meanwhile only one district had gone ahead and seized power -Carinthia. Sucher at that time had only requested of Pawlowski, whether he could later be judge again. He also requested, to be allowed to phone to Vienna next day, to get Schuschnigg's confirmation. In Vienna also the actions were started. The SS and SA deployment [Einsaetze] were discusssed with Lukesch and Kaltenbrunner. In the Bundes-Chancellery we could make

headway only if we got it into our hands. In this whole action we always kept the 25 July in mind so as to avoid certain mistakes and accidents which we at that time had had. I asked Lukesch: how many men can you mobilize? "6,000 men can march within half an hour." Kaltenbrunner could organize 500 SS men. These were to march to the Bundes-Chancellery. The resistance of the guards was to be overcome by fraternization. They have to take the Bundes-Chancellery. 50 SS-men, many of them men of the 25 July, received, under the leadership of Rinner the order, to occupy the building. Further orders to [Page 17]

take over the Vaterlaendische Front, industrial enterprises, electric power plant, State offices, town-hall. Colonel Angelis, then liaison-man between the party and the Armed Forces, received orders to take the Ministry of the Army. In the course of the seizure of power it was funny: We called out the HitlerYouth with the order, to create the mood for fraternization in the streets. Schoas who led the HJ, later told that he had given the order to carry fraternization to the extent that girls could throw their arms around a policeman's neck. The whole inner city then was full of people and in all the other Bundeslaender it was exactly the same. The demonstrations of joy mounted. In the meantime was the last address of Schuschnigg, which ended with the song "Roses from Tyrol". Then Seyss spoke, for everybody was waiting for the announcement of the new government. It was 8:45 o'clock, that is when Globus called from the office in the Seizergasse. We simply cannot go on.

Klausner, Jury and I and Kaesemeier came to the BundesChancellery. It was locked. We knocked, a policeman opened. Who is there? By order of Seyss we wanted to enter. Question passed back-then one came, led us through somewhere in the rear and there everybody was armed to the teeth. In the court were machine-guns. They wanted to prevent a new surprise attack like the one on 25 July. We were taken upstairs, up there the situation was the same as before. Seyss shrugged his shoulders. There is nothing can be done. I told about it: In the meantime we had started the strategic concentration of 6,000 SA men, etc. Seyss went out to the Bundes-President and reported this to him. In the meantime the reports arrived of the seizure of power. But in the meanwhile all telephone conversations had been directed via Globus.

The Nazis in the Bundes-Chancellery were already organized, the man of the house was Globus, the house was occupied by po