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that no part of the guilt will rest upon your head? God made nothing in vain, it is true; but did He make ardent spirits? Has he required any body to make them? Admitting, however, that they are sometimes useful, (and I do not deny it,) what then? Does this prove, that they are, upon the whole, to be numbered among the blessings of life? If they injure a thousand persons, where they benefit one, or if they do a thousand times more hurt than good, will it avail those, who are deluging the land with ardent spirits, to plead, that they compel nobody to drink? If they do not compel men to become intemperate, they furnish the means of becoming so, when they know, that multitudes will abuse these means. Suppose I understood the art of extracting from rye, for instance, one of the most active and fatal poisons in nature, which might in some cases be used, with great suscess as a medicine. Suppose my neighbors should get into the habit of purchasing, diluting, and then drinking it. Suppose the same thing should be done wherever the poison was sold; and there should finally be satisfactory evidence, that thousands of lives were annually destroyed by it; and that the evil was increasing. Could I excuse myself, if I still persisted in making the poison, and in as large quantities as ever, by saying, "It is good in its place? I don't compel people to destroy their lives. If they will drink, they must take the consequences. Would not every friend of humanity reply, with some earnest ness, "Sir, you must know, that the community would be infinite

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ly better off without your poison, than with it. You see what havoc it is making, on the right hand and the left. Its acknowl. edged utility, in a few solitary cases, compared with the guilt and misery which it occasions, is like weighing a feather against mountains. Demolish your es tablishment, therefore, at once; or convert it to some other use. "Tis sordid interest guides you.""

Should I be pronounced a monster, if I still persisted in manufacturing my newly discov. ered poison, and is that man to be regarded as guiltless, nay as a useful member of society, who devotes himself to the manufac turing and vending of old pois ons, under the specious names of gin, brandy and cordial? Let every such man, ponder the subject well. Before any one resolves to go on with this busi ness, let him fully satisfy himself, that he can proceed on grounds, which will stand the shock of the last day, and abide the scrutiny of the Judge.

The reader will naturally take notice here, that if there is any weight in the preceding argu ments, they would lie against extracting ardent spirits, in large quantities, from any sub stance, however useless. With how much greater weight must they lie against turning into spirits the very staff of life?

But I shall doubtless be asked, what must the farmers do with their grain? Many of them have large quantities to spare. They cannot export it; and but a small part of it is wanted at home, for bread, by the poor, or any body else. Must they suffer it to perish on their hands, rather

than sell it for a high price, to be made into whisky? I answer, first, by asking three plain questions: Is it not a fact, that in the rage for distilling every thing, the poor are generally overlooked? Is it not a fact, that distillers have their agents employed almost every where to buy up the grain, at unheard-of prices? Is it not a fact, that these agents have actually secured so much of it, in many places, as to induce an artificial scarcity? And what are the consequences? Why, in the first place, when a poor man wants a bushel of grain, the nominal price is so excessively high, that he finds it extremely difficult to furnish the means; and in the second place, the grain is not to be had within his town or neighborhood. The barns and cellars of his wealthy neighbors are full, it is true; but the rye, and the corn, and even the potatoes, are engaged, or kept back for a further advance in the price. Hence, the cry, which is already heard; and hence the probability, I might almost say certainty, that hundreds, if not thousands, of families, will be compelled to struggle through a cold winter without bread. Look at the little children in these families. How distressing the thought, that they must suffer so much, when, were it not for the distilleries, they might obtain a competence if not a plenty! But allowing, (what there is not the least reason to hope for,) that enough should be reserved for the poor, and afforded to them on moderate terms, is it morally right, to turn the surplus into liquid fire? Suppose the crops should be cut short another year to such a degree, that the

very men, who are now pouring the last bushel they can spare into the stills, should be pinched for bread themselves. Might they not very properly regard it as a judgment upon them, for what they are now doing? Let those, then, whose ground has brought forth plentifully the present year, praise the bountiful Giver, taking care, at the same time, not to abuse the gift. Let them supply the poor around them, and sell to others, who want their grain for bread. If they still have a surplus, let them keep it over the season. Should there be a failure of crops, it will all be wanted; or, if not, opportunity may perhaps be given, for sending it abroad; and, at all events, it must surely afford a high degree of satisfaction to reflect, that it has not, by being turned into poison, destroyed the peace of any family, 、 or hastened any man to the grave.

I know that the distillation of bread stuffs may bring money into the pocket of the grower and the manufacturer. Bút money is not the one thing needful. It will not be current in the world to which we are hastening; and if it should, the community would gain nothing upon the whole, for where one is made rich by means of distilleries, ten are made poor. I would put it to the consciences of those interested in the gains, therefore, whether they are not in duty bound to forego these gains, rather than be instrumental, in sending abroad a flood of intoxicating liquors to sweep the body into the grave, and the soul into hell! Z. X. Y.

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Ir is a remarkable trait in the human character, that taxes and various pecuniary sacrifices of a public nature are endured with greater cheerfulness to support war, than for any or all other purposes, however good and desirable. This has been a perma nent characteristic,wherever men have been associated together. Some few individuals have formed exceptions, wherever Christianity has been received; but their influence has been too limited to make a national exception. The attention of the reader is, invited to the following proposition, for the truth of which I appeal to history and observation: There never has existed a nation, the mass of whose population would not bear heavy taxes to carry on war, however unnecessary and unjust, with less murmuring and less opposition, than for any other purpose under heaven. I say with less murmuring, because the people will murmur on account of any heavy tax. But while they will only murmur against a burden-, some war-tax; they would utterly refuse to pay the same amount for any other purpose. The opposition to a heavy tax imposed to promote internal improvements, to build and endow colleges, and support schools, &c. &c. would commence perhaps in murmurs; but would increase till it spoke in a voice of thunder to the ears of rulers. And there is not a government on earth, which would not be compelled to relinquish heavy taxes imposed for such purposes. Wars are admitted by all Chris

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tians to spring from the wickedness of man. Many question the lawfulness of defensive war, and all allow that no war can be justified by both parties, and that many wars can be justified by neither. It may safely be assumed, therefore, that all the money paid to prepare for, and support war, is a tribute paid to human depravity, voluntarily on the part of most, by constraint on the part of some. Admitting the lawfulness of defensive wars, it is obvious that such wars could not exist were it not for the injustice and violence of man; so that all war-expenses, however incurred, must be placed to the same account; and, at the last and great audit, they must all be reckoned to some party or other, as so many blessings perverted and abus ed.

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After indulging in this train of reflections, I was induced to make the following calculations, as to the expenses actually incurred by the Christian world, in a single year, in the prosecution of the existing wars. The year I take is from Sept. 10, 1812, to Sept. 9, 1813, inclusive; not because the expenses can, be accurately defined by those dates, but because some other calculations may be thus defined. I admit that this has been the most expensive year of war, which the Christian world ever experienced, both in lives and property. Still many years have been nearly as expensive, and the cost of war has always been

enormous..

It appears, then, that the government of Great Britain raised for the service of the country in a single year, the enormous sum,

of 7103,000,000 sterling, the sterling, the whole of which was provided for by Parliament last summer. Perhaps it will be said, that as part of this sum was borrowed, it cannot be called a war expense of this year. But the objector will admit, on a moment's reflection, that if the money borrowed should never be paid, it would be a war loss on the part of the lender, as every farthing borrowed for the support of war is actually expended. Consequently whenever the principal is paid, it will be paid as a war expense of this year. The interest will be a war expense of the several years when it is paid. Thus that part of the 103 millions, which is expended in paying the interest on previous loans, is a war expense of this year; as all the British debt was accumulated by war loans; though what is paid into the sinking fund to diminish the principal of the old debt ought in fairness to be deducted from the war expenses of this year. This sum I should judge from what I remember of the sinking, fund, cannot exceed the odd 3 millions..

The expenses of government, as it would exist in a time of perfect peace, and when no preparations were made for any apprehended war, would be a comparatively small sum. When it is considered, that only a million a year is allowed for the expenses of the king and court, the principal judges, and what is called the civil list, it will be admitted, that five millions would be an abundant allowance for all the usual purposes of government, as it might be administer

ed if wars did not exist. Indeed, that sum would support gov ernment in a style of great dignity and splendor, beside fostering the arts and sciences. The remaining 95 millions sterling, or 422 millions of dollars, may be set down as war expenses.

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In addition to this sum is to be reckoned the losses of individuals by the hand of violence, not included in the national expenses. As Great Britain has not been invaded, these private losses are confined to depredations on commerce by French, Danish, and American public ships, and privateers. Taking into view the losses in merce from the mother country to every part of the world, and from colony to colony, I think the amount can hardly be less than $18,000,000. Perhaps it: will be said, that what is lost by one nation in this way, is gained by others. This is not true. It is thought by men of intelli gence and judgment, that the whole amount of captures in modern war does not exceed the expenses of fitting out and supporting privateers. A few individuals may grow rich on the spoils of the innocent and unsus pecting; but the great mass of adventurers are losers. In short, privateering is like gambling; few gain permanently; nearly all lose.

All

In estimating the expenses of the continental powers, during the year under consideration, the known regular revenue will be but a miserable index. those powers raised money by a thousand extraordinary methods, and borrowed, besides, to the fullextent of their credit. We must,

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therefore, be limited only by the ability of the people to pay, and of the governments to borrow. Bonaparte has had a million of men under arms, scattered throughout France, Italy, Spain, and his German tributaries, on an average, for the last five years. Probably that number has been invariably exceeded, except for three or four months last winter. At the beginning of the Russian campaign of 1812, if we consider the vast number of armed men stationed in every part of his dominions, the num. ber occupied in garrisons, the amount of all his armies in Spain, and the vast military force with which he invaded Russia, we shall be convinced he had 1,200,000 men in arms, to which must be added at least 100,000 as teamsters, couriers &c. He was obliged to support many of these men at great expense, and at a vast distance from home.

The number of horses to supply the cavalry, artillery, and waggon train of all his armies, and to keep up the communication with all parts of his empire, could hardly be less than 500,000. From Prussia alone he took 40,000; in the waggon train of his northern army 80,000 were employed; a part of the cavalry and artillery of a single army lost, according to his own account, 30,000 in a few nights, after that army had been greatly diminished, and was, in fact, nearly ruined. Considering these things, and that he kept up his naval preparations, building ships, filling arsenals, and repairing fortifications of ports; that he maintained his military schools and trained multitudes of his conscripts not actually

numbered with his forces;-we shall be convinced he could not not have expended less than $600,000,000, in supporting war. To this sum may fairly be added what is necessary to repair his extraordinary losses in the Russian compaign, in artillery, ammunition, small arms, horses, &c. &c. which may be moderately estimated at $20,000,000.

In the remaining part of the estimate I shall be less particular, and give only the results.

I calculate, therefore, the public warlike expenses of Sweden, Denmark, Russia, Prussia, Austria and the neighboring provinces to be at least $500,000,000; and the private expenses, i. e. the loss by the burning of Mos. cow, and other towns in Russia, and the partial desolation of an immense tract of country from Moscow to the Elbe, and three hundred miles on that river, to amount to $300,000,000; the public expenses of Spain and Portugal at $100,000,000, and the destruction of private prop erty at 50,000,000; the public expenses of the United States at $40,000,000; and the private losses at sea at $10,000,000; the public expenses and private losses of the British colonies in North America, the West Indies, and Asia, (not brought into the account of the government at home,) at $100,000,000. It is to be considered here, that the British East India Company support a large military force, the expenses of which are not reckoned in the national accounts. To these sums add $100,000,000 for the public expenses and private losses sustained in Mexico, and the Spanish rich colonies in South Amer

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