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involved the loss of a promising opportunity for bringing the war to an early and favourable end. Not only were the Russian armies, before they were weakened by desertions, numerically stronger than at any previous period, but there was an ample supply of munitions of every kind, much of which lay at the Russian ports because the authorities had not enough energy to overcome the difficulties of transport; while the other Allies, by whose exertions it had been provided, were correspondingly short. The Provisional Government ruled only in name, the real power being in the hands of the Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Delegates, whose avowed aims disclosed a profound ignorance of German designs, and of the conditions essential to success in war. The Germans, relying on the continuance of inaction at the front, seized the opportunity to transfer troops and artillery from Russia to meet the offensive in France; and the Austrians withdrew reinforcements for the Italian front. The Turks, freed from anxiety in Armenia, were able to reinforce their armies in Syria and Mesopotamia. The retreat of the force formerly commanded by General Baratoff,* after having occupied Kizil Robat on April 8, did not improve the situation of General Maude's advanced troops, which, having defeated the 13th Turkish corps on the Shatt el Adhaim, reached the foot of the Jebel Hamrin early in May. The inaction of the Russians in this quarter has resulted, according to a communiqué issued at Constantinople on June 22, in the reoccupation of Shahroban by the Turks. Meanwhile the policy of Germany, as definitely disclosed by the exposure of the Hoffmann-Grimm intrigue, was to make no move so long as there was a prospect of luring Russia into concluding a separate peace; and her emissaries were active in their endeavours to foment internal discord, to complete the disintegration of the army, and to detach Russia from the Alliance. Her proposal for a Peace Conference having proved abortive, she hoped to find her opportunity for setting the Allies by the ears at Stockholm, where international socialist delegates were to discuss terms based on the principle of a peace without annexations or

General Baratoff is one of the Army Commanders who have been removed.

indemnities, which General Alexeieff has aptly characterised as a Utopian formula of German origin.

Towards the end of May the general situation began to show signs of improvement. The reconstitution of the Government on a coalition basis appears to have disarmed the Council of Delegates, and to have resulted in the adoption of saner views with respect to military policy. The idea of a separate peace was repudiated; and the necessity of taking the offensive was recognised in responsible quarters as the only sure means for thwarting the German scheme of crushing the Western Allies with the view of gaining freedom to deal similarly with Russia. In the army, also, there have been indications of a better tone. Instances have been reported of mutiny having been rigorously repressed, and of the disbandment of regiments which refused to go into the trenches. Fraternisation with the enemy was prohibited, and gradually declined; deserters came to be regarded with disfavour; and soldier delegates from General Brusiloff's group of armies unanimously adopted a resolution in favour of an offensive. M. Kerensky, the War Minister, in his visits to the armies on the northern front, used all the persuasive power of his virile eloquence and forceful personality in urging the troops to submit to discipline, and to fight for the honour and freedom of the new Russia.

The Russian revolution, by removing the obstacles to the adoption by the Allies of a firm policy in Greece, has indirectly affected the military situation in Macedonia. The abdication of King Constantine, the collapse of the pro-German party, and the restoration of a constitutional government with M. Venizelos as premier, have relieved the Allied armies under General Sarrail from the danger which menaced their rear; and their position has been further secured by the occupation of Southern Albania by Italian troops, which cover the left flank. In other respects the situation has undergone little material change. Intermittent fighting, which took place on the Monastir front during the spring, produced no decisive result. Local attacks by part of General Milne's army in the neighbourhood of Lake Doiran found the enemy in considerable strength, and made little progress. The first of these attacks, which was delivered on April 24,

between the south end of the lake and a point northwest of Dolzeli (a front of nearly three miles), resulted in the capture of the hostile positions in the latter region to a depth of 500 yards. Progress was also made on the right wing, but could not be maintained. On the night of May 8-9 the attack was resumed in the same locality, but on a wider front, extending four miles to the southwest of the lake. The left wing again reached its objective; but, as on the former occasion, the troops on the right, after having been successful at the outset, were obliged to fall back to their original positions before superior forces. The advantage gained on the left was extended to the neighbourhood of Krastali (three miles west of Doiran town) by a local attack on the night of May 14-15, which brought the operations on this portion of the front to a close. Fighting has also taken place on the Struma front, where our positions east of the river were extended, on May 15, by the capture of Keupri; but the valley was evacuated early in June, for sanitary reasons, the troops being withdrawn to the high ground west of the river.

While the default of Russia has increased the burden which her Allies have to bear, the situation has been somewhat alleviated by the accession of America. That this event has caused disquietude in Germany may be judged from the attempts which have been made, both officially and in the press, to minimise its importance. Time will be needed to organise the immense resources at the command of our new Ally; but the task has been entered upon with characteristic energy, and General Pershing's division is only the advanced guard of a force which is expected to number nearly a quarter of a million before next summer, when the first draft of half a million will begin to be available. An ultimate establishment of two millions is aimed at. An early increase of the flying detachment which has been doing useful service in France may be expected, arrangements having been made for the training of 6000 pilots, and the construction of 3,500 aeroplanes. In the meantime America is rendering valuable assistance at sea; and, by providing money, munitions, and other supplies, is contributing materially to the success of the Allied

arms.

Since this article went to press, news has come of the Russian armies in north-eastern Galicia having taken the offensive on July 1, and driven the Austro-German forces from their positions in the region of the upper Strypa. The fighting extended as far south as the heights south-west of Brzezany, where more stubborn resistance was encountered. The capture of 18,000 prisoners and 29 guns has been reported as the result of two days' fighting. The material results of the operations, which, as yet, are only in the initial stage, are, however, of relatively small importance as compared with the effect which the news has exercised on public feeling at Petrograd and other large centres. The capital is said to have been transformed, a wave of patriotic emotion having swept away pessimism, and submerged the forces of disorder. The Congress of all the Councils of Delegates, which claim to watch over the liberty of Russia,' has issued a stirring appeal to all classes of the people, urging the troops to throw themselves boldly into the fight, and exhorting the civil population to concentrate all its efforts on helping the army. M. Kerensky, in an Order of the Day, calls upon the armies to take the offensive, pointing out that further delay in striking a decisive blow would be to the enemy's advantage. While it is yet too early to conjecture the ultimate effects of the military success in Galicia, it is plain that the outlook has assumed a more promising aspect. The future will depend on the revival of the military spirit of the army as a whole, and on the patriotism and endurance of the Russian people.

W. P. BLOOD.

CORRIGENDUM.

IN the last number of this Review, p. 389, the work entitled Les origines diplomatiques de la Guerre de 1870-1871' was, by inadvertence, described as being published by the Imprimerie Nationale. It was printed there, but is published by M. Gustave Ficker, 6 rue de Savoie, Paris.

Votice to Reader.-When you finish reading this magazine, place a 1-cent stamp on this otice, hand same to any postal employee, and it will be placed in the hands of our oldiers or sailors at the front. No wrapping. No address. A. S. BURLESON, Postmaster-General

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II. German Methods in Turkey

III. Agricultural Education in the United States

IV. The Place Names of England

Edward Porritt
G. B. Grundy

V. The Final Settlement of the Balkans. (With Map)
VI. World Congestion and the Real Armageddon

H. G. Hutchi son

VII. A New India: The Malay States. (With Map)

VIII.
IX.

Arnold Wright

German Trade After the War William Harbutt Dawson
Lord George Hamilton and Sir Thomas Dilke

X. National Education and National Life

B. H. Holland

XI. The State and the Mother

J. E. G. de Montmorency

XII. The Bagdad Railway Negotiations. (With Map)
XIII. The Course of the War. (With Map)

Colonel W. S. Blood

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