whatever it may bring us! In former years all that came, both good and bad, was necessary to the life and development of our people. And we believe that it will be so in the future.

We know that everything undertaken against the new Germany and its Fuehrer always turned out in favour of the new Germany and of the Fuehrer. So it will be in the future also, for we hold the belief that the Almighty is on the side of Germany and her just cause. For we believe that the Almighty sent us the Fuehrer to save us in our direct need. When we stand by the Fuehrer we carry out the will of Him who sent us the Fuehrer. We Germans: we stand by the Fuehrer's bannermay!

-come what

PARTIAL TRANSLATION OF DOCUMENT M-108

SPEECH BY HESS BROADCAST ON FUEHRER'S
BIRTHDAY 20th APRIL 1941

The Fuehrer's Deputy, Reichsminister Rudolf Hess broadcast on the morning of the Fuehrer's birthday over the Greater Germany Radio Station, the food wishes of the

In the name of the Homeland and in the name of Germans overseas, may I, my Fuehrer, say with all my heart, in proud acknowledgment that through your leadership the greatest achievements and deeds in their history both in Peace and War have been brought to fulfilment, the People of Greater Germany send you their blessing.

I include therein our thanks for all you have done for us Germans-above all, our thanks that your strong and farsighted leadership has preserved the Homeland from the enemy's intention to annihilate us. Through a series of will-you have given to Germany a respect in the world which a few years ago would have seemed incredible.

COPY OF DOCUMENT M-116

Report on Interview with Herr Hess by Wing Commander the Duke of Hamilton on Sunday, 11th May, 1941.

At dusk on Saturday 10th May while Wing Commander the Duke of Hamilton was on duty in the Turnhouse Sector Opera

tions Rooms an enemy aircraft was plotted off the coast of Northumberland at 2208 hours and made a landfall close to Farne Islands. The Wing Commander received a report from the Observer Corps that the enemy aircraft was an Me: 110, which he thought a mistaken identification as this fighter type of aircraft had only once before been seen as far north as Northumberland (On August 15), and without extra fuel tanks could not make return flight.

The enemy aircraft flew west and at 2256 hours was plotted as flying northeast 3,000' over Ardrossan. Pilots turned south and then north and again round to west when they finally faded a few miles south of Glasgow at 2307 hours.

Normal action had been taken to intercept and shoot down the enemy aircraft. A few minutes after plots faded on A.A. Site reported that an aircraft had crashed in flames. A Defiant fighter in hot pursuit was approximately 4 miles away and it was with disappointment that the Wing Commander learnt that its guns had not been fired. Later it was reported that the enemy aircraft had crashed two miles from Eaglesham close to the Mearns Road and that it was definitely an Me.110. A German having baled out had been captured.

The German prisoner gave his name as Alfred Horn and stated to the Home Guard and Police that he was on a "special mission" to see the Duke of Hamilton and had intended to land at Dungavel. Where the crash occurred is 12 miles from Dungavel in the constituency of East Renfrewshire, which the Duke of Hamilton represented for over nine years and where he was well known.

On being given this information the Wing Commander arranged to accompany the official Interrogating Officer to the place where the prisoner was confined.

Personal report by Wing Commander the Duke of Hamilton

On Sunday 11th May at 10.00 hours I arrived at Maryhill Barracks with the Interrogating Officer, who first examined the effects of prisoner. These included Leica camera, photographs of himself and small boy and some medicines, also visiting cards of Dr. Karl Haushofer and his son, Dr. Albrecht Haushofer.

I entered the room of the prisoner accompanied by the Interrogating Officer and the Military Officer on guard.

The prisoner, who I had no recollection of ever having seen before, at once requested that I should speak to him alone. I then asked the other officers to withdraw, which they did.

The German opened by saying that he had seen me in Berlin at the Olympic Games in 1936 and that I had lunched in his house. He said, "I do not know if you recognize me but I am Rudolph Hess." He went on to say that he was on a mission of humanity and that the Fuehrer did not want to defeat England and wished to stop fighting. His friend Albrecht Haushofer, had told him that I was an Englishman who, he thought, would understand his (Hess's) point of view. He had consequently tried to arrange a meeting with me in Lisbon (see Haushofer's letter to me dated September 23rd, 1940). Hess went on to say that he had tried to fly to Dungavel and this was the fourth time he had set out, the first time being in December. On the three previous occasions he had turned back owing to bad weather. He had not attempted to make this journey during the time when Britain was gaining victories in Libya, as he thought his mission then might be interpreted as weakness, but now that Germany had gained successes in North Africa and Greece, he was glad to come.

The fact that Reich Minister, Hess, had come to this country in person would, he stated, show his sincerity and Germany's willingness for peace. He went on to say that the Fuehrer was convinced that Germany would win the war, possibly soon but certainly in one, two or three years. He wanted to stop the unnecessary slaughter that would otherwise inevitably take place. He asked me if I could get together leading members of my party to talk over things with a view to making peace proposals. I replied that there was now only one party in this country. He then said he could tell me what Hitler's peace terms would be. First, he would insist on an arrangement whereby our two countries would never go to war again. I questioned him as to how that arrangement could be brought about, and he replied that one of the conditions, of course, is that Britain would give up her traditional policy of always opposing the strongest power in Europe. I then told him that if we made peace now, we would be at war again certainly within two years. He asked why, to which I replied that if a peace agreement was possible the arrangement could have been made before the war started, but since, however, Germany chose war in preference to peace at a time when we were most anxious to preserve peace, I could put forward no hope of a peace agreement now.

He requested me to ask the King to give him "parole", as he had come unarmed and of his own free will.

He further asked me if I could inform his family that he was safe by sending a telegram to Rothacker, Hertzog Stra., 17 Zurich,

stating that Alfred Horn was in good health. He also asked that his identity should not be disclosed to the Press.

Throughout the interview, Hess was able to express himself fairly clearly, but he did not properly understand what I was saying and I suggested that I should return with an interpreter and have further conversation with him.

From Press photographs and Albrecht Haushofer's description of Hess, I believed that this prisoner was indeed Hess himself. Until this interview I had not the slightest idea that the invitation in Haushofer's letter to meet him (Haushofer) in Lisbon had any connection at all with Hess.

COPY OF DOCUMENT M-117

RECORD OF AN INTERVIEW WITH HERR RUDOLPH HESS, May 13, 1941

Hess started by saying that he must go back a long way in order to explain the chain of circumstances which had led to his present decision.

Its origin lay in an English book called "England's Foreign Policy under Edward VII." The author of this book, who was an impartial and reputable historian, admitted that from 1904 on England's policy had been to oppose Germany and to back France. In the certain knowledge that this would lead to a conflict with Germany. Thus England was responsible for the war of 1914.

After the war came the Treaty of Versailles and the failure of the British Government to accord to the democratic system in Germany those concessions which would have enabled it to live. Hence the rise of Hitler and National Socialism.

In 1938, Hitler, after exhausting all peaceful means, was compelled to occupy Austria in conformity with the wishes of the Austrian people.

The Czechoslovak crisis was caused by the French determination, expressed by the French Air Minister, Monsieur Cot, to make Czechoslovakia an air base against Germany. It was Hitler's duty to scotch this plot. The intervention of Mr. Chamberlain and the Munich Conference had been a source of great relief to Hitler. About a fortnight after Munich, however, Mr. Chamberlain had publicly declared that he had only agreed to Munich in order to gain time for England's rearmament. Subsequently the British and French Governments had endeavored to arm the rump state

of Czechoslovakia against Germany. Herr Hitler could not stand this and acted just as any British Government would have done.

The Polish crisis was caused by England's determination to oppose Germany, the strongest power on the continent. The German Government now knew from captured documents and statements of Poles that the Polish Government would have accepted the German proposals but for the efforts of the British Government to prevent a solution on these lines.

The British designs on Norway justified Hitler's attack on Norway and Denmark; and documents, which proved our intention to invade Germany through Holland and Belgium, justified the attack on the Low Countries.

The conclusion was clear that England was responsible for the present war. After the Polish collapse, Hitler had made a peace offer to France and Britain which had been rejected with scorn. Again, after the collapse of France, he had made another peace offer, and this too had been rejected. There was nothing further for Hitler to do but to pursue the struggle to its logical conclusion.

After this preliminary survey of past history on the lines of Hitler's speech, Herr Hess proceeded to the second part of his discourse, which was intended to prove that Germany must win the war.

He said that German aircraft production was enormous; much larger than that of Great Britain and America combined. The Germans knew all about U.S. production and a good deal about ours. They did not fear U.S. aircraft. Fast training schemes were in hand and the next few months would see a noticeable expansion in the German Air Force. At present numbers of trained pilots and completed machines were not even being used. Losses had been light, far lighter than had been anticipated. Whatever efforts Great Britain might make she would never alter the present proportion between the German and British Air Forces. When, in May last year, Great Britain started bombing Germany, Herr Hitler had believed that this was a momentary aberration; and, with exemplary patience, he had waited, partly so as to spare the world the horrors of unrestricted air warfare, and partly out of a sentimental regard for English culture and English monuments. It was only with the greatest reluctance that, after many weeks of waiting, he had given the order to bomb England.

As regards the Battle of the Atlantic, submarines were now being constructed in large numbers all over Germany. Submarine parts were even being built in occupied territory and the water