men; and because they are so full of his friendships and friends. They have, too, a permanent literary fragrance, brimful as they are of literary judgments, and appreciations and estimates of books. His likes and dislikes were very pronounced; and his judgments not always just or sure, but they are always his own and have an indefinable personal flavor and charm. As Mr. Benson very justly remarks:

"With all his limitations, and they were many and obvious, it still remains true of Fitz Gerald that he was one of those, who are even fewer than we are apt to think, who have loved high literature with a real instinctive and passionate joy."

This passionate lover of high literature, this friend of poets and prophets, with all his fond longings and clinging tenderness, with his limitations, his gentle and pathetic philosophy born of his frank recognition of his own defects and realization that these defects were too strong for him,in short, Edward Fitz Gerald in round completeness Mr. Benson has set forth with much enthusiasm, but at the same time with the balanced judgment of a judicious critic.

W. P. FEW.

THE NEGRO ANd the Nation. By George S. Merriam. New York: Henry Holt & Company, 1906,-iv, 436 pp.

We have in this work a scholarly study of the relation of the negro to national politics throughout the whole period of our country's existence. The story of slavery and of the difficult questions and bitter contests and bloody struggles which grew out of it, though not new, is here retold in a way to arouse fresh interest. The author has with wide knowledge and an unbiased mind followed the path of the negro through the devious ways of American political history from colonial times through Reconstruction when the negro problem ceased to be the central feature in national politics. His book is noteworthy for its striking pictures and fair and discriminating character estimates of the great leaders on both sides of the long struggle over the institution of slavery.

The last few chapters deal with the present aspect of the

negro problem. A splendid tribute is paid to General Armstrong and to those who have worked with him and after him in the constructive movement inaugurated at Hampton for the uplifting of the negro race. The restrictions and obstacles which hamper the negro are: the legal and extralegal limitation of his suffrage, the social discrimination against even the most intelligent and highly trained negroes, the disposition in some quarters to limit narrowly the amount and character of negro education, the subjection of the negro to abuse such as peonage or lynching, and, most serious, the threatened narrowing of the negro's industrial opportunities. Notwithstanding these obstacles, Mr. Merriam takes a hopeful view of the general outlook. He cites the heavy expenditures of the South for the education of the blacks, especially commending the progressive work for education done by Governor Aycock. Though a reactionary as to negro education, Governor Vardaman, of Mississippi, has stood firmly against the lynching abuse. Southern judges and juries have put their stamp of disapproval upon peonage. There is a notable growth of the higher order of industrial schools. The general discussion of race matters is being carried on in a broader and saner way.

For the future, the industrial situation is of first importance. Industrial freedom of choice-the opportunity to enter the various occupations and trades-should be eagerly sought and jealously guarded. The forces which would exclude the negro and narrow the range of his industrial opportunity are most to be feared. Unfortunately, there are such forces at work in many quarters. As to education, good common schools and thorough industrial training are needed, but "there can be no fit common schools for the black unless there are worthy normal schools and colleges." Upon broader grounds, there is need among the blacks of "scholars and idealists, as well as toilers; and for these there should be their natural atmosphere." Politically "the most pressing need will be substantially met if the South will carry out in good faith the provisions of her statute-books." The negro should be fairly allowed to cast his vote when he can meet the statutory tests. With regard to the relation of the

national government to the negro problem, Mr. Merriam believes that in communities "where the black element is strong in numbers and in character, and where the dark race offers fit incumbents for office, there should be a fair number of such appointments." He is opposed to any scheme for the reduction of the representation of the South under the provisions of the Fourteenth Amendment on the ground that such a measure "would recognize, accept and confirm that very exclusion of the negro vote against which it professes to be aimed." He would favor national aid to Southern education such as was contemplated by the Blair bill. On the matter of "social equality" of the races, the author believes in simply dealing "with every man according to his fitness, his merits, and his needs, regardless of the color of his skin." He says further: "If the white people of the Southern States, for reasons peculiar to their section, follow a different rule, they have still no occasion for wonder and dismay at the practice in other sections, or for indignation when the highest official in the American capital follows the general usage of the civilized world.”

It cannot be expected that all of Mr. Merriam's views will find ready acceptance. But what he has to urge is strongly supported by fair-minded reasoning, and his book deserves a wide circulation North and South. It is an important contribution to the understanding of the negro question and it will do good wherever read. W. H. G.

LITERARY NOTES

The latest instalment of The Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science is a double number on "Early Diplomatic Negotiations of the United States with Russia," by John C. Hildt. It is a careful summary of our relations with the empire of the Czar from Dana's mission in 1781 till the treaty of 1824. The sources of information are chiefly the diplomatic archives in Washington with the personal correspondence of many public men of the day. The author, who has worked accessible American authorities with commendable spirit, seems to have had no access to the correspondence of the Russian minister with his own court. Without this it is impossible to have a full picture of the diplomacy of the two nations. Short of this standard-which is a difficult one-Mr. Hildt has made a reliable and useful examination of his subject. It will be of much service to the future students and writers of American diplomatic history.

This edition by Dr. Bruner of Hugo's famous romantic tragedy is intended primarily for school use. The introduction discusses the theory of the romantic as opposed to the classic drama, the improvements by Hugo of the stiff Alexandrine verse of his predecessors, and his "renovation and restoration" of simple, direct and natural language to its proper place in the drama. There follow an outline and a discussion of the main and sub plots, and a sympathetic and appreciative estimate of the various characters of the play. Copious footnotes are given, and various parallel passages are cited from French, English and German authors. Dr. Bruner does not pretend to offer here an original contribution to the study of the romantic drama. His book does, however, present in convenient form the main points. that Hugo fought for, and this new edition of "Hernani" may no doubt be used advantageously in the class-room.

(Hugo's Hernani. Edited by James D. Bruner. American Book Company).

The

South Atlantic Quarterly.

Our Legacy from a Century of Pioneers*

BY ALBERT SHAW,

Editor of the Review of Reviews

My purpose in this address is to consider certain aspects of our American life and society, growing out of the fact that we are now a mature country. This may not seem to any of you a novel statement, yet the bearings of it have scarcely been recognized by any element or group of our leaders in opinion or in statecraft. We have been so long accustomed to regard ourselves as a young country and a pioneering country, that we have not attained unto the recognition, as a matter of national consciousness, of the meaning in a synthetic, full way of a great number of facts which we recognize in their separate aspects.

Every one knows, for example, that we now make far more products of iron and steel each year than any other nation; that our agricultural output is more extensive than that of other lands; that the mileage of our railroads far exceeds that of any European country; that our population is larger than that of any other nation of white men excepting Russia; that our educational system is more extensive and widely diffused than that of any other large nation, and that in many material regards and in some intellectual and moral aspects, ours appears to be the most highly favored of modern countries.

These things, indeed, might all be true; and yet such might be our extent of area and of undeveloped resources, and such might be many other practical conditions, that it could still be said that we were, relatively speaking, in the

Address at Trinity College, Durham, N. C., June 6, 1906.