An enthusiastic advocate of industrial education for both races, he believed also in high schools for them both. But the first need to him was to get good common schools and to build up such institutions as Tuskegee. With this school he early allied himself-not, however, for sentimental reasons and not until he had satisfied himself that it was a bona fide institution. "I shall be glad to help you," he said to Booker Washington when he first met him, "if on investigation I find it is the real thing." To satisfy himself that it was the "real thing" he visited Tuskegee, examined in detail the school and its management, and then became a trustee. For Tuskegee he toiled unceasingly and with great success; under his guidance its financial position was notably bettered and its endowment steadily increased. It was largely owing to his efforts that Mr. Carnegie's attention was drawn to Tuskegee's needs with the resulting splendid gift from that extraordinary philanthropist. And when Mr. Baldwin passed away students and teachers and graduates showed their earnest appreciation of Mr. Baldwin's work not only by printed and spoken tributes, but by contributing $800 from their scant means to the $150,000 fund raised to commemorate his useful life.

But Mr. Baldwin's zeal for manual and industrial training did not blind his eyes to the necessity of universities for both races, and universities in which there should be scientific study of the questions of the hour, and freedom of speech. Himself a loyal Harvard man, his alma mater's motto, “Veritas" was ever before him. "Now, let us get at the facts," was a frequent interjection of his when the discussion of a committee room had become warm and confused. Then came from him the clearest possible statement of the case up to the point or points still in dispute, whereupon the discussion at once became orderly and helpful. He would have made a remarkable teacher himself; as it was, the need of trained teachers for the South appealed to him with redoubled vigor by reason of his own clearness of mind and ability to impart knowledge.

Just how much credit belongs to Mr. Baldwin for the founding of the General Education Board it would be hard

to say. The Southern Education Board had gradually been developed as a result of the Capon Springs Conferences. There was needed a body which would dispense funds raised in the North and act as a clearing-house to which Northern philanthropists, beset by a horde of solicitors white and black, might turn for information as to any school and for guidance in the bestowal of gifts. Business men like Mr. Baldwin and Mr. Robert C. Ogden speedily saw the advantage of having a business organization with paid employees to search out the greatest needs and to give, not only in accordance with needs, but with a view to results. Mr. Rockefeller was at hand to give the million of dollars with which the General Board began its work, and the choice of Mr. Baldwin as chairman was natural if not inevitable. If the plan was Mr. Rockefeller's own he deserves praise for his breadth of view and his readiness to recognize a great opportunity. But he deserves still more credit if his was the mind which selected Mr. Baldwin as the chairman of the Board. Yet in fairness to others it must be admitted that all those who came closely in contact with Mr. Baldwin could not but feel that he had a great mission to perform. "We cannot afford to lose Baldwin," said the bearer of a name distinguished in American History on hearing of his fatal illness: "I consider him of greater value in the solution of the race problem than any other man."

Undoubtedly Mr. Baldwin's charm of personality was in large measure accountable for the readiness with which men and women turned to him for aid and insisted upon his shouldering responsibility after responsibility. No one could look into his clear blue eyes and fail to note the transparent honesty of the man. Plenty of people might and did disagree with his views on this question or that, but no one ever doubted the sincerity of his purpose or failed to note the benevolence of the man. He was above all a citizen in the old sense, one devoted to the common weal, and his interests were unbounded by any municipal borders, state lines or national boundaries. "I am for the man who is down," was his motto in life, and it mattered not to Mr. Baldwin whether the man who was down was white, black, or yellow,

whether he was Jew or Christian: if he was honestly struggling to get up then he could have Mr. Baldwin's sympathy and aid. The same feeling that led him to leave an elevated train to take to a hospital the little Jewish child whose pallid looks he had observed in passing made him feel deeply the great problem of the East Side thousands of New York City. Hence, when it came to settling how the memorial fund should be bestowed, there was a division of opinion whether it should commemorate his work for the South or his stand for civic righteousness in New York. For there were men who could not forget that when Mr. Baldwin took the chairmanship of the Committee of Fifteen, organized to put down officially-favored vice in the metropolis, the company with which he was most closely affiliated notified him that his service in this cause would be distasteful to it. "I sent word to them," said Mr. Baldwin to the writer of these lines, "that they could have my resignation, but if they accepted it every man, woman and child in New York would know why. I never heard anything more of that." Such manifestations of moral courage naturally win the plaudits and esteem of all who know of them.

But deep as was his interest in this city of his final residence in which he became a foremost citizen from the day he entered it as a railroad president of only thirty-six, it was to the South that he gave most of his free time and the best thought of those later days. How to help and help wisely and how to help all classes-this was the problem he wrestled with day and night. For to him it was a national question as important for the residents of one section as to those of another. While his thoughts sometimes turned in the direction of Federal aid to Southern schools, he knew that it was to the individual that after all he must appeal. And so he spoke to Northern concience and Southern conscience alike, certain that the cause he fought for must win in the end in accordance with our best and noblest traditions.

John Motley Morehead

BY C. ALPHONSO SMITH,

Professor of the English Language, University of North Carolina

It is often remarked of the dead, especially in this busy changing age, that if they could revisit the scenes of their labors they would walk as in a world not realized. The general truth of the remark cannot be denied. But a study of the character and achievements of Governor Morehead convinces me that he would be more at home in North Carolina today than would any other of our ante-bellum goverHe has been dead forty years, and they have been years of constant change and of unceasing development. But so wide were his sympathies, so vital were his aims, so farsighted were his public policies, and so clearly did he foresee the larger North Carolina of schools, railroads, and cotton mills, that he would be as truly a contemporary in the twentieth century as he was a leader in the nineteenth.

nors.

John Motley Morehead, governor of North Carolina for two successive terms, 1841 to 1845, was born in Pittsylvania county, Virginia, July 4, 1796. He was the son of John Morehead and Obedience Motley, both natives of Virginia. In 1798 his parents moved to Rockingham county, North Carolina, where he lived until his marriage in 1821 to Miss Ann Eliza Lindsay, eldest daughter of Colonel Robert Lindsay, of Guilford county. Though three counties claim him, his home was for the rest of his life in Greensboro, the county seat of Guilford; it was from Guilford as a center that his influence and that of his family radiated; it was in Guilford that his remains and those of his wife were interred; and it is Guilford that still jealously guards his memory as that of her greatest citizen.

Though there were no classical schools in Rockingham county during Governor Morehead's boyhood, his parents were determined that their gifted son should have a college education. At the age of fourteen he began the study of Latin in the home of his father's friend and neighbor, the

Honorable Thomas Settle, father of the late Judge Thomas Settle. From here he went to the famous school near Greensboro taught by Doctor David Caldwell. Though Doctor Caldwell was at this time ninety years of age, Governor Morehead never wearied of praising his skill as a teacher and his range and acumen as a scholar. From Doctor Caldwell's school he entered the University of North Carolina as a junior half-advanced, joined the Dialectic Society, was made a tutor, graduated in 1817,* and became one of the most efficient trustees the University has ever had. He was the sixth alumnus of the University to occupy the governor's chair, and the first to occupy it for two terms.

It should be said in this connection that the differences of opinion in regard to Governor Morehead's academic attainments rests on a misconception of the man and of the times. Books were never to him an end in themselves: he used them only as a means to a knowledge of men and of things. He could quote readily from Shakspere, Milton, Burns, and the later poets; but he laid no claims to being a literary critic, nor was he interested in the niceties of literary art except in so far as they gave cogency to his reasoning or sparkle to his illustrations. I have searched his pages in vain, however, to find any ground for the charge that his English was defective. In his stump speeches, none of which survive, he doubtless followed the vogue of the times and accommodated his grammar to local demands; but in his published addresses his language is invariably clear, correct, flexible, and eminently representative of the power and personality of the man behind it.

After graduation Governor Morehead studied law under

*The Morehead room is still pointed out in the South Building. The statement, however, in the Kerr Memorial, that John Y. Mason, of Virginia, and James K. Polk, the future president, were classmates of Governor Morehead, is a mistake.

+See Kerr Memorial, p. 47.

An illustration may be found in an incident reported to me by Dr. Kemp P. Battle. During Governor Morehead's campaign with Judge Saunders, the Judge challenged a statement of his opponent in these words: "Whar, sir, does the gentleman git his authority for that thar statement? I ask him whar." Slapping his hand upon certain volumes, Governor Morehead replied: "In them thar dokiments, sir. That's whar."