any change in the government is to be made, we are fully justified in saying that they would welcome British rule and British protection. And they would cause no more trouble to the British than they have to the Turkish Government. The Jew abroad has always looked to England as his protector, and to this country as the land of justice and liberty.

The Christians of Palestine, who form the smallest class in the population, divide into several groups. The German colony would naturally prefer another rule to that of Britain; and the same may be said of the Russian element, which as a nationality is not considerable. The majority of the priests of the Orthodox Church in Palestine are Greek by race, and, judging from the past, they would prefer not to live under Russian rule. The British and American colonies are naturally advocates of Britain, as are also the other small sects-the Abyssinians, the Copts and the Armenians. The attitude of the Latins, for the most part French or Italian by race, cannot be stated definitely, but there is no reason to doubt that the native Christians, who comprise by far the majority of the Christian inhabitants of Palestine, would welcome British rule.*

One last question remains in this consideration of the future of Palestine, and this is the very thorny one of the Holy Places. This is not so much concerned with the Jews, to whom the whole land is holy, as with the Christians and the Moslems. To the Moslems Jerusalem is in holiness second only to Mecca. The Khalif is guardian of both cities. The future of the Khalifate is still open. It is outside the purview of this article. Britain, however, is the greatest Mohammedan Power in the world, and, as such, has among non-Moslem Powers the first claim to the political protection of the holy cities of Islam. The rival Christian claims are not so

*The attitude of the various classes in the population of Palestine towards a British occupation was discussed by Canon Hichens, of Christ Church, Jerusalem, in the 'Contemporary Review' of May, 1915. In his opinion British rule would be welcomed by all classes. He mentions a conversation he had with a German Zionist leader whom he met in Palestine. To him the fulfilment of the Zionist idea could come about only in one of two ways-as 'a Jewish Governate under the Ottoman Flag,' or as a part of the British Empire.

easy of satisfaction. The contention between the various Christian churches has been very severe in the past. The hostility between the chief of them, the Latins and the Greeks, has been especially intense, and has on more than one occasion led to bloodshed. This rivalry was the immediate cause of the Crimean War. In fact, only a neutral authority, such as the Mohammedan, can preserve the peace between the rivals; and for that purpose a perpetual Turkish guard has had to be stationed even within the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. If the Ottoman power is withdrawn from Palestine, it is essential that another neutral should take its place. What other power than a Protestant would be impartial enough to preserve the peace?

We have now considered the question of the future of Palestine from all points of view. We have found that, in the interests of the British Empire, it is essential that the country shall come within the British sphere of influence. We have shown that the existing interests of Britain are supreme over those of all other Powers in the land; that, if the wishes of the inhabitants are consulted in the event of a change of government, Britain will replace Turkey; and that the problem of the Holy Places, Christian and Moslem, can be solved only by means of a British protectorate. We have also discussed the question from the Jewish point of view and shown that the Jewish future in the land depends on British sympathy and protection. Thus all arguments lead to the same end. The interests of Britain and of Palestine, of Christian, Jew and Moslem, all coincide-in a British protectorate.

ALBERT M. HYAMSON.

Art. 7.-BRITISH TRADE AND MANUFACTURES.

1. Diplomatic and Consular Reports. Edited at the Foreign Office and Board of Trade. Wyman, 1916.

2. Psychology and Industrial Efficiency. By Hugo Münsterberg. Constable, 1913.

3. Industrial Training; with special reference to conditions in London. By N. B. Dearle. King & Son, 1914.

4. Commercial Theory and Practice. By W. Abbott. Murray, 1915.

Ar the present time every effort is being made to develop the productive power of this country, not only on account of the war material needed by our navy and army, but also with a view to increasing our exports, which to a large extent constitute the payment made by us to foreign nations for munitions, food, and other necessities. After the war is over, these efforts must be continued and even augmented if we are to keep up our position as a manufacturing and exporting nation. The maintenance of our productive power is therefore of vital consequence, whether in war or peace; and it behoves us to consider how this can be done in spite of the enormous number of men employed directly or indirectly upon war service, and the eventual shortage of hundreds of thousands of industrial workers who will have been killed, or disabled from returning to work.

For the first year or two after peace is declared, the 'entente' nations and their colonies will probably refuse to buy goods of German origin. The natural feeling of resentment is likely, however, to die down more quickly than many people imagine, particularly where the individual's pocket is concerned; and German goods can only be excluded in the long run by high tariffs or by less costly and more attractive products. There is not the slightest doubt that, when war broke out, we had fallen behind Germany in efficiency of manufacture in certain lines, many of our goods being dearer and not so well suited to the uses for which they were designed. In order to achieve success in future we must produce better and cheaper goods than the Germans.

As regards output, British workmen and workwomen are as good as any in the world, but there will be a sad