In this general review we have not touched at all upon two important topics, mentioned in the President's message, the abolition of the slave trade and religious freedom. In regard to the first, the policy of the government has been already developed in a distinct manner at the time of the abolition slave trade convention with England;—we do not apprehend any material departure from that determination in future negotiations. And as it respects the establishment of the catholic religion, as a state religion in some of the American republics, the extreme caution and tenderness, with which that most delicate and important subject has always been approached in the constitutions of government, as well as in the municipal ordinances of this people, can leave no doubt on the mind of the entire and scrupulous forbearance, they would, at all times, exercise in regard to the religious concerns of a foreign nation.

As the basis of our government is that of a representative republic, we shall never look but with the greatest satisfaction to the progress and propagation of that principle, both on account of the political sympathies this nation feels on that subject, and because we believe it better calculated than any other to promote general happiness, and to lead, in the most direct as well as solid manner, to the best kind of civilization. But in all other respects there is little to attract our attention to South America. It is only in the way of commerce that we have an intercourse, and that, comparatively, to a limited extent. The two continents of this hemisphere are, at their medium distance, more widely separated than the northern is from the European. With that continent we are connected by a traffic more incessant and more skilfully conducted than any, that has yet been witnessed since the invention of the compass,-by the arts, by literature, fashions, and by every circumstance and association, that enter into the composition of society.

All those matters, that depend on the formal courtesies of diplomacy, this country and the South American states have exactly performed towards each other. With two of them we have entered into conventions for the regulation of trade,

in most respects satisfactory, but our commerce has not received the developement, that was anticipated from the emancipation of the continent, nor a relief from unjust and unreasonable burthens and impositions, that the establishment of free and independent governments there might have been expected to furnish. On the contrary, in consequence of the disturbed state of the country, or an ignorance of just commercial principles, our trade has been exposed to many vexations, not only in the shape of duties, often varying, but of blockades and the exercise of other belligerent rights, not permitted by the laws of nations and forming a lamentable commentary on the declarations of some of those governments concerning neutral rights. Intestine commotions have, also, appeared in Chili, Peru and the federation of the centre of America which, though they have not disturbed our diplomatic relations, have discouraged and embarrassed every other description of intercourse. On the whole, the governments of Mexico and Colombia appear more firmly established than the other states. In the latter the revolution began earlier and in the former there has been less change. It is now twenty years since the first glimmerings of the revolution were discerned in South America. Unfortunately, the progress, it has made, is, for the most part, still matter of speculation. And nothing can be more hazardous than to attempt to assign a specific form or a probable termination to the fresh changes, now threatened on the west and south border of the continent. But, to say the least, the independence of the country is achieved and some sure steps taken towards the introduction of free, well regulated civil institutions. The sluggishness and, in some respects, the bigotry, unhappily a universal and principal ingredient in the character of the population, if not eradicated, have been violently assailed ;—and after twenty years of political changes and disturbances, it is not possible, but that a spirit of enquiry and some activity of mind and a disposition for improvement should become visible. At the same time, little satisfaction is to be derived from a contemplation of the state of things on that continent at the present moment. The con

viction, that nothing appears fully completed, constantly weighs on the spirits. Those, to whom the task may fall of describing the events of the revolution, are without materials to furnish a perfect picture. The animation and ardour therefore, with which they may enter on the work, will soon be cooled and checked by the extreme irregularity, that has attended the progress of things, and by a darkness and uncertainty, as profound as harassing, in which the concluding scenes of this great political drama are now shrouded and enveloped. The well defined and rapid manner in which our own revolution terminated, the subsequent, surprising prosperity and tranquillity of the country, the speedy and almost invisible establishment of a firm, solid and lasting government have rendered us both impatient and unreasonable in regard to South America. The people of this continent had but a single change to effect. Those of the southern have had a twofold revolution on their hands, a separation from the parent state and the training of their own population for self-government. The first operation was accomplished by a decree, the second can only be brought about by time and perseverance.*

* Brazil. In one respect Brazil has followed the fate of the other portions of South America ;-a separation has taken place from the parent state. But in all others its political changes and condition differ from those of the whole American hemisphere. A government has been there established upon the principle of the European monarchies, and Don Pedro, the representative of the ancient house of Braganza and elder brother of the reigning King of Portugal, has been crowned and proclaimed Emperor. The Portuguese possessions are thus divided (and in a peaceable manner) into two parts, and each governed by a monarch of the same family. This is a singular state of things and in modern times, at least, has no precedent. Since the separation, the United States have held a diplomatic connexion with both portions of the ancient Portuguese dominion; in Europe as has already been related in the chapter on Portugal, and in America by the appointment in 1825 of Condy Raguet to be a chargé d'affaires to the empire of Brazil. The same year a chargé, Jose Sylvestre Rebello, was, also, accredited from that government; he still remains in this country. At the present time William Tudor of Massachusetts

represents the United States at Rio Janeiro with the same rank. After the independence of Brazil we had reason to expect a great developement of our commerce in that quarter. The country is extensive, fertile, with the advantage of a fine climate, produces many valuable staples, and is capable of supporting a large population. But either from the disturbed condition of the government, a deplorable ignorance of the commonest commercial principles or a covetous, arbitrary disposition in the rulers, American trade has not enjoyed, even, the security, or had the advantage of the same regular channels, it possessed under the colonial system. In fact, the scene of the greatest sufferings and the grossest violations of neutral rights has been on the east coast of the southern continent since the war took place between Brazil and the united provinces of the river La Plata. A blockade of all the ports of those provinces by a Brazilian squadron was notified to Mr. Raguet in December 1825 by the Viscount St. Amaro, minister of foreign affairs, an event extremely important to this country on account of our great trade to that portion of South America. The subject, not yet fully adjusted, has, from the winter of 1825, 26, been matter of extreme uneasiness as well as irritation, and has been • productive of some angry correspondence.

CONCLUSION.

THE peace of Ghent is, properly, the first period in the diplomatic history of this country. It is probable, the foreign relations will, hereafter, assume a different aspect, not only on account of the revolution in South America, but because we cannot expect, again, to witness such another revolution, as was consummated in Europe, by the general pacification of 1814, 15.

After the peace of Paris of the year '83, the political intercourse of the U. States with Europe seemed, for a while, suspended. The war, which led to that event, suddenly brought the country into an active, though not general connexion with the old world; but when a separation was solemnly assented to by Great Britain, the Americans, having accomplished the object, that impelled them to venture upon the hazardous enterprise of extending their relations across the Atlantic, and having rendered to France all the good of fices, that could arise from the appearance of a new people, introduced under her auspices into the family of civilized nations, retired back to their own shores, where, in appearance, forgotten by Europe, they were solely occupied with domestic difficulties of a serious and alarming description. But the proclamation of neutrality of 1793 renewed a political intercourse with fresh animation and redoubled dangers. To this period may, perhaps, with most propriety be assigned the earliest, certainly the thorough incorporation of the political concerns of this nation with the great European movements and systems. The people, with as little capital as credit, immediately entered upon a course of commerce, that fortunately required little of either, but which laid the broad and deep foundations of stores of wealth, that, at this moment, enable the country both to struggle in a successful commercial competition with all Europe, and also, to com