The present show trials are certainly in violation of Soviet Law. Under Soviet Law there is a provision that states that an accused cannot be held for more than nine months without trial.

But Jews who were arrested in June, 1970, are still rotting in jail. Some are being tried now, which is still past the nine month period-but many are still in the hellhole KGB prisons without any contact with relatives or loved ones or the outside world.

Our research tells us that while these Jews are being vaguely accused of some form of treason-and treason is a valid governmental concern-only Jews and Jews only have been arrested and prosecuted under that charge.

In summary, it is our honest judgment that Jews of the Soviet are being discriminated against because they are Jews. They are being deprived of their religions, cultural and civil rights. They are denied the right to emigrate freely and they live their wretched lives in abject and terrible fear.

Yevgeny Yevtushenko, a non-Jew and a Soviet national poet, in his memorable poem, Babi Yar, himself accused the Soviets of anti-Semitism and prejudice. This presentation cannot end without an appeal to our own government to use its not inconsiderable good offices to intervene on behalf of a persecuted people.

We ask for them simply-“Let them live as Jews or let them go free." Rabbi KLAPERMAN. Let me summarize by saying that it is our honest judgment that Jews of the Soviet are being discriminated against because they are Jews. They are being deprived of their religious, cultural, and civil rights. They are denied the right to emigrate freely. and they live their wretched lives in abject and terrible fear.

Yevtushenko, a non-Jewish and a very well-known Soviet poet, in his memorable poem Babi Yar, himself accused the Soviets of antiSemitism and prejudice.

This presentation that I have made cannot end without an appeal to our own Government to use its not inconsiderable influence to intervene on behalf of a persecuted people.

We ask for them simply, "Let them live as Jews, or let them go free." Mr. ROSENTHAL. Let me just briefly ask you for your comment on Mr. Koch's statement on demonstrations here in the United States. Would your view be essentially the same?

Rabbi KLAPERMAN. My comment would support the statement of Congressman Koch unequivocally. I think he is entirely correct. I think that demonstrations are of vital importance, but I think that they must be conducted both with dignity and with a lack of violence and some of the other unfortunate incidents that accompanied some of the demonstrations, as we know.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Rabbi Schneier, we are very grateful that you could take time out from a busy schedule. We are very pleased to hear from

you.

STATEMENT OF RABBI ARTHUR SCHNEIER, PRESIDENT, APPEAL OF CONSCIENCE FOUNDATION

Rabbi SCHNEIER. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I appreciate this opportunity to share with you findings of four different trips to the Soviet Union-1966, 1967, 1969, and 1970.

Before giving you some of the impressions, if I am permitted a personal note, which certainly has relevance to my involvement in this issue. Unfortunately, I lived through the Hitler era in Europe. I was born in Vienna, lost most of my family in Auschwitz, and personally lived through a concentration camp, and came to the United States in 1947, received my education here, both my college and uni

versity degree, and my rabbinic ordination, so that I am quite conscious about the grave omissions during the days of the Hitler period of silence.

I have paid too dearly with sacrifice of family members, and this explains my great emotional involvement-not only in terms of this particular issue, but I think that in 1971, we have to speak out in the face of any injustice. This brings me back to 1965, when the Appeal of Conscience Foundation was organized.

The Appeal of Conscience Foundation was my idea. I felt that the problem of Soviet Jewry was not only a problem for Jews. I felt it was a problem, a moral problem, and so with the support of leading Catholic and Protestant leaders, both religious and lay leaders, we established this foundation which is not only concerned with the plight of Soviet Jewry, but we broadened it with concern about religious freedom for all denominations anywhere. This foundation has had four different missions to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, including Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Hungary, Yugoslavia. We were involved in the alleviation of the plight of the Protestant community in Spain, if you will recall that problem. We were involved last year in trying to bring some peace to the much troubled community in Ireland.

Now let me focus in on the question of our findings in the Soviet Union. We went to the Soviet Union-"we," Father Thurston N. Davis, S.J., the former editor in chief of America, Dr. Harold A. Bosley of Christ Church Methodist, former Congressman Francis E. Dorn, a Roman Catholic layman, and I. all of New York.

We went there on a factfinding mission. We wanted to see for ourselves what the situation is like. We met with leaders of all religious groups. We met with the head of the Russian Orthodox Church. We met with the Baptists. We met with government officials in charge of religious groups who made it very clear to us at the outset that the Soviet Union is an atheistic country, and therefore, will not lift a finger to help any religious group.

However, we were assured that the Soviet Constitution does provide for religious freedom.

We did have opportunities to visit the various seminaries. The Russian Orthodox seminaries, the Baptist churches. It was Christmas time 1966, I attended Baptist, Russian Orthodox, synagogue, and Roman Catholic services; this gave us a total picture of the religious life, and we did not only remain in Moscow. We went to Leningrad. We went to Riga, to Vilnius, and other cities.

And what are some of the conclusions-the conclusions you will find in an article which I wrote in Look magazine, November 27, 1966, and the conclusions were, "Time Runs Out for Russian Jews." (See p. 31 of the appendix.)

And why did we reach this conclusion? Gentlemen, in order for any group to survive, it requires the tools for survival. And while every religious group is discriminated against in the Soviet Union, and they do not enjoy freedom of religion as we know it, there are some strange contrasts.

You will find that one of the gravest problems in the Soviet Union is the aged leadership of the few remaining rabbis. The city of Leningrad, with a population of over 350,000 Jews, has one rabbi, Rabbi Lubanov, whom I have met on several occasions. The man today is 91 years old.

The chief rabbi of Moscow, Rabbi Levin, who visited in this country in 1968, is 78 years old.

There are no new spiritual leaders trained. The rabbinic seminary was closed in 1962, and there has not been a seminary functioning since that time.

Now I must say that it gave me a tremendous thrill to go through the Russian Orthodox seminaries in Leningrad, and Zagorsk, and Odessa, and talk to the young seminarians. If you look at the age level of the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church, it is in the hands of young men. The average age is about 40, 45.

We can't even talk in terms of a Jewish community, because we must talk in terms of individual congregations. You don't have a centralized body. You don't have a cohesive unit. You know, every Jewish community is isolated. But what troubles us most is the fact that how can a group survive without leadership?

And when you have these few men, 90, 78, when they retire, when they leave this earthly scene, who will take their place? And there is just no one.

This is one reason why we feel that the Jewish group, in terms of religious terms, is definitely discriminated against.

Let's take some other examples. The question of religious articles and religious supplies. It is strange, isn't it, that the Soviet Union. which certainly was able to send a rocket to the moon, has absolutely no facility to produce one single prayer shawl in the Soviet Union. And when you visit some of the synagogues, you will see the people. with torn, tattered prayer shawls.

It is an odd fact, that the Soviet Union, which successfully erased illiteracy, is determined to maintain Jewish illiteracy. It is odd that the Soviet Union which has a network of schools and universities and colleges, does not have a single school-and I mean, not a single school-in Yiddish or Hebrew.

The Soviet Union, which certainly has made great strides in housing and construction, does not have the facility to provide a single mezzuzah on the doorpost of a Jewish home.

Now, this is of great concern, because I feel that in order for this great religious group to survive, it requires the leadership, and furthermore, it requires the religious tools for survival. And they are

nonexistent.

So much for the spiritual deprivation. I may just add, the rabbi of Kiev passed away 4 years ago. He was a man in the late 70's. That post in Kiev-a community with over 200,000 Jews-has not been filled to this day, because there is just no one to fill the post.

In addition this spiritual deprivation also manifests itself in the dwindling number of synagogues.

Now, in 1958, there were 450 synagogues throughout the Soviet Union. Today, there are only 64. This is a serious problem. There is also cultural deprivation. There are many Jews who are not religious, who absolutely have no desire to observe their faith. But yet, theirs is a cultural identity, they are proud to be Jews, and they want some outlet in the form of Jewish culture.

You don't have any cultural activities that are clearly Jewish. This is the problem. So we are faced with both a spiritual deprivation and a cultural deprivation.

May I make a brief comment on the Leningrad trial, and the spirit of the Russian Jews? I want you to know that in 1966, when we first

visited the Soviet Union, and we met the Jews there, they were people of fear, frightened people-afraid of their own shadow.

After my return in 1969, and especially in 1970, there was a total transformation. They became a people, particularly the younger ones, with guts, and determination, not afraid to speak out. And if they couldn't get their way, from the Soviet authorities, they had absolutely no hesitation to stake their jobs, their security, the security of their families, to make petitions to the United Nations Secretary General, to the President of the United States, demanding rights which are constitutionally guaranteed them by the Soviet Constitution.

I must stress the fact, as stated by Congressman Koch and Rabbi Klaperman, that whatever demands these Jews are making are within the framework of the Soviet Constitution, rights that are guaranteed to them, whether it is the right to leave one's country, or the right to practice one's religion.

Now, it may be strange for us. We are used to the Sunday school idea; we are used to the afternoon school idea, the religious school idea; but you will find that there isn't this kind of a facility available at all in the Soviet Union. No Sunday schools, no religious schools.

So we are faced here with a situation of a community both in terms of culture and religious heritage, which is seriously challenged. Now let us assume that things will really work out beautifully, and 50.000 Jews will be given exit permits tomorrow. This is really a dream, I am dreaming now. It is not within reach.

Suppose 50,000 would be given permission to leave. It would take 5 years to get 250,000 Jews, those who wish to leave, out of the Soviet Union.

What about the remaining 3 million? Should they be deprived of facilities and tools in terms of Jewish religion and Jewish culture? So that basically, our demand and our request has to be those who wish to leave, let them leave. And those who want to remain, give them the opportunity to live as Jews, not as nonpersons, but with an identity.

And I think, by the way, most of the Jewish youngsters are resolv ing the identity crisis in favor of a Jewish identity. This is their way of demonstrating their loyalty to their past heritage.

A lot has been said about a detente between the Soviet Union and the United States. I firmly believe it is terribly important, in this day and age, for the two major powers to build bridges.

But I feel that the Soviet Union is making a terrible mistake, particularly with the trials. This does not add to an incentive. This does not give confidence toward the policies of the Soviet Union. So that when we do speak in terms of building bridges, there has to be an understanding on the part of the Soviet Union, and this understanding should be made clear by our Government, and by Congress, that there can't really be an improvement of climate when there is such a flagrant violation of human rights.

This is terribly important. Having spoken to many Soviet officials, they are interested in coming closer to the United States. But it must be made very clear to them that this can't happen, if there are trials. and I think our immediate concern should be a demand that those who were courageous enough to stand up and to demand their rights, that they be released. And a halt to further trials. A continuation of secret trials can only exasperate relations between our two countries.

Congressman Koch and Rabbi Klaperman mentioned the importance of worldwide concern. I firmly believe it is terribly effective. I can only tell you that when we arrived in Moscow on four different occasions, Catholic priests, with Roman collar, a rabbi with a yarmulka, and a Protestant minister, we were termed superecumenical. It made a tremendous impression that here are men of different religious faiths, not going into the situation because they want to condemn the Soviet Union-if anything, we are interested in a rapprochment-but in trying to work toward a goal, that would certainly assure this kind of detente.

But, on the other hand, as men of faith and men of conscience, we have to speak out, when an injustice is committed.

And so I believe that the status of Soviet Jewry is not a Jewish problem. It is a problem for men of all faiths, men of conscience. And if this pressure is exerted, this moral pressure is exerted, fortunately, the present regime will respond to world public outery and indig

nation.

You may know that my synagogue is located right opposite the Soviet Mission to the United Nations. Unfortunately, we did have several violent outbursts, including a takeover of my synagogue by those who advocate violent countermeasures. I firmly believe that violent tactics do not help the situation at all. They didn't help the situation, because what happens in fact, that instead of focusing on the problem of Soviet Jewry, the problem of Soviet Jewry is eclipsed. and you will find that our officials, our Ambassadors, are put in a very difficult position, they have to become apologists for the violence which has been perpetrated.

But on the other hand, this does not excuse anyone for remaining silent. I think this is a grave moral issue, and if we remain silent on this one, then we may be guilty of a grave injustice toward the victims who are determined to seek their God-given rights.

I appreciate this opportunity to share some of the experiences with vou, and if you have any further questions, I will be glad to answer them.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Congressman Fulton?

Mr. FULTON. We are glad to have you rabbis here. It is good for you rabbis to give your time, and your careful attention, and as well as your coming to Washington, for these humanitarian and these cultural activities, that to me are most important for the Jewish community, wherever it exists in the world, and that is for those in the United States as well as in the U.S.S.R. and in Israel, wherever they

are.

I would like to compliment Rabbi Klaperman on his statement that the goals must be worked for with dignity and lack of violence. And I would like to compliment Rabbi Schneier for his comment that rabbis are not interested in conflict, but in working out solutions through world public opinion. I believe this is the necessary approach. I liked also the rabbi's statement that violent tactics do not help the situation at all; instead, the problem is eclipsed, and our U.S. officials are turned into apologists for the actions of our own citizens.

I believe that my recommendation on the legislation to the chairman would be that we make a reciprocal offer, that if they will give 300,000 visas, we will permit the exit of an equal number to the U.S.S.R., or