Mr. BUCHANAN. Thank you.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Thank you very much. We are enormously grateful to all of you. I think you have made an important contribution. Our use, today, of European commentators on our policies is a new concept which, hopefully, will be followed by other committees because you bring a great deal of understanding, insight, and perceptivity to an area we have been studying and will continue to study. Thank you very much.

Mr. BARBER. Thank you.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. We are very pleased this morning that we are going to have follow these very distinguished journalists three young men who are visitors in the United States as students. We are going to see if we can move your senior colleagues away from the table so we can move you in-it is not the most common thing that congressional committees invite students to offer their point of view. It is perhaps less common that they invite students who are not American citizens. I think this is an important element that is overlooked.

We are very pleased that each of you could join us.

I want you to be perfectly at ease. If you have a prepared statement, deliver it. If you haven't, we would be pleased to hear from you. Then we will have a cross-exchange of comments, and then the members of the congressional panel will ask questions.

Our first participant is Mr. Adolf Miklave, from Yugoslavia.

STATEMENT OF ADOLF MIKLAVC, YUGOSLAV GRADUATE STUDENT AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND

Mr. MIKLAVC. Thank you, Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee. I am very pleased and I feel very honored having been invited to participate in this hearing. Thank you very much.

I am Adolf Miklavc, currently a graduate student at the University of Maryland where I am working for my Ph. D. in physics and serve also as a teaching assistant. I came here nearly 4 years ago from the northwestern part of Yugoslavia, and specifically from the Federal Republic of Slovenia. I am one of the many Yugoslavs born during World War II in a family of uneducated, Catholic parents whose only possession was a strong determination to lift the family above the miserable conditions in which they lived. After the war, our nation created out of nothing, the basis for a decent life and for a good chance for getting education which benefited the new generation of which I am a member. This was done with tremendous efforts and sacrifices. After having completed my undergraduate study there, I wished very much for an opportunity to continue my graduate study abroad so that I also could learn more about other nations. The generosity of the American people made my wishes come true. I will never cease to be deeply grateful for this.

Please permit me to say first a few more words about my country. Yugoslavia is, I believe, well known by her unique model of social and economic development toward a democratic socialism, a model conceived and realized under the most unfavorable historical conditions. Also, she is well known by her struggle to live her life without entering into alliances with any bloc. This struggle should be regarded as an expression of the desire for a dignified life in a nation which, though not materially strong, can create her own opinions

and judgments and act in accord with them. It is certainly very important that the possibility of this choice exists in a world which is not simply black and white.

It was not an easy way for our country to follow. Strong pressure has been applied to her to soften her determination and attempts have been made to take advantage of her miserable situation. But there was also help coming-in particular, help from the United States which alleviated our situation very much and for which we are very grateful. I personally remember packages of food we received and how happy we were with them. In spite of so many difficulties our country has progressed very much. Anyone who visits Yugoslavia can see this clearly for himself. The social and economic basis has been built for a genuine democracy. There are, however, still serious difficulties to overcome. These problems are due largely to the very incoherent development of different parts of the country in the past centuries. I believe it is of the utmost importance for our people that they have a chance to solve their problems by themselves-without interferences from outside. A depressing fact to us is that ideologies proclaiming direct and indirect interventions as a kind of "holy duty" still are practiced in our times.

I think it would be bad for our people to become "chess figures" for big powers which would merely try to achieve their own political goals-not paying proper attention to what is good for people there, or for their desires. This kind of interference might even turn my country into another "hot spot"-which, I believe, is close to the worst which could happen.

Recently a commentator in the Newsweek magazine concluded that people in Yugoslavia deserve support for their independent development. I hope many more people would become convinced of this. An independent Yugoslavia will, I believe, do her best to help bridge the gaps now existing between East and West and between underdeveloped and developed nations as well. In this way, even the contribution of a small and not rich country to the world community can be significant.

It is sad to think about how Europe is divided today. It is sad particularly if one realizes how far the present division is from the kind of relations a large majority of people in Europe would like to have among themselves. Despite all the inhibitions which are still in Europe there is a growing desire among people there to come closer to each other. Europe's position between the United States and the Soviet Union without its own "nuclear shield" has made this desire even stronger.

I have traveled in Europe quite extensively and I found this out talking to the people there.

Certainly Europe would like to live under less pressures and fear and would like to assume an independent responsibility in world affairs in the manner appropriate to her. Hopefully, this will add to the stability in the world.

The current situation, irrational and unjust as it is, has its origins in events even more irrational, unjust and cruel which happened during and immediately following World War II, and which happened before World War II and maybe even centuries ago.

As long as leadership on top is still burdened with the memories of these events, it will be difficult to expect an easy end of East-West

hostility and suspicions. But it is also clear that we cannot live with them forever. It would be a great relief for people in Europe-including people of my country-to experience a lessening of these hostilities and a redirection of at least some of the assets to projects less sterile and dangerous than piling up of more armaments and spreading suspicions on both sides. I believe that when my generation comes to power, our task will be easier for we do not have this direct association to the painful past. Sometimes it is important to forget.

Mr. Brandt's bold attempts to improve relations in Europe have refreshed many of us with optimism. I believe he is currently the most respected foreign statesman in Yugoslavia.

I should tell you why. I will tell you with the words which a friend of mine, a German from West Berlin, told me recently: "Mr. Brandt tries to create an atmosphere of mutual trust. This is why we like him. The price he is paying for this on behalf of Germany may not be too big." This is something very new in Europe.

I think it is so important, to build an atmosphere of mutual trust. I think it is bad that it was not realized enough that the Soviets, too. had good reasons for fears and suspicions and that these feelings among people can be easily exploited by any irresponsible leadership. Therefore, I think, it is so important to try to overcome these suspicions.

We hope that the attempts to achieve progress in this direction will continue. The risks involved in them are not bigger than the ones associated with an alternative. Only mutual destruction lies the other way.

I believe the problems are global in nature. What will happen in Europe depends much on what will happen in other places. I believe that the world is aware of the tremendous responsibility the United States has to mankind as the strongest nation economically and, of course, as a nuclear power. Few probably think that the United States could not master the material side of the problem. However, the way the United States sometimes approaches the other side of it has caused disillusionment, dismay, and even fear and hate-especially among the younger generation. I get this impression from my talks with students, mostly graduate, from more than 40 countries which I have met both here and in Europe. It seems to many of these students, and I include myself, that because of the pursuits of the short-termed, transitory political and economic goals, the United States has misjudged the value of some important forces, like nationalism, currently shaping the world. Also these American efforts have sometimes distorted the vision of the goal toward which these forces are working.

It is a crude inconsistency to try to be the leader of the struggle for a free world and in the same time support real or thinly disguised dictatorships all over the world, and help them to control and repress peoples struggling for their freedom and a better life. A very large portion of the world population, living on a bare subsistence level is involved in these struggles. If the United States sincerely wants to counter the sinister, enslaving forces which hamper the progress in the world, it should give whatever support it can afford to these struggles and to other processes which have the origin in the genuine desires and aspirations of people. One feels deeply grateful for all the support the United States has already given for this cause-and one is saddened by the fact that its aid was sometimes misdirected and misused.

Thank you very much.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Thank you very much.
Mr. Dutilh?

STATEMENT OF CHRISTIAN C. DUTILH, DUTCH GRADUATE STUDENT AT GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY

Mr. DUTILH. Mr. Chairman, and members of the subcommittee, in order not to repeat a few points which have been already expressed several times this morning, I would like to submit my statement for the record and merely paraphrase certain points which I feel have been overlooked previously.

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Without objection, the complete statement will be included in the record.

(The prepared statement referred to follows:)

Mr. Chairman and members of the subcommittee, my name is Christian C. Dutilh. I am from the Netherlands. After having received a Bachelors Degree in Economics and a Masters Degree in International Commerce, I am now working on a Doctorate in International Affairs and International Commerce. I come from an extremely pro-American family-my father enabled all his children to study in the U.S. for at least one year-and I feel that this upbringing plus my experiences in this country over the past four years have made me a supporter of the U.S. I am very grateful for the opportunity given to me today. Confidence in those who govern our Western Democracies has been steadily declining over the past decade, mainly because the people felt they were not being heard. Hearings such as this in which ordinary individuals can express their views, may well help to overcome these frustrations and bring back to the democratic Governments the respect they deserve.

The magic of America—the country of unlimited opportunities and equality— is a thing of the past. Twenty-six years after U.S. tanks liberated large parts of Western Europe, and about twenty years after the implementation of the Marshall Plan, the vast majority of the population of Europe does not look at the U.S. with feelings of gratitude any longer. The unselfish acts of the past are forgotten, and the Europeans have discovered that the most powerful country in the world has the same, or even more serious, problems than their own countries. The integration fights of the 50's and 60's dramatized the unjustice done towards large sections of the American population. A war against a small and relatively weak nation could not be won, and the U.S. has to withdraw its forces in what is considered, rightly or wrongly, defeat. The dollar was once accepted in the smallest village from Norway to Italy. But last month banks in the F. R. of Germany, Switzerland and the Netherlands refused to change dollars or to cash travelers cheques. And lastly the youth of Western Europe and many of their parents as well, do not consider the Communist countries as a serious threat to their security. In their opinion, the need for strong military ties with the U.S. is therefore greatly reduced.

What do I think will happen in Europe, especially in Western Europe, in this decade? The E.E.C. will admit as members, or work out some form of association, with all non-Communist countries of Western Europe within the next five years. This new and economically very powerful bloc will move to the left of the political spectrum with a speed greater than the U.S. The gap between the E.E.C. and the U.S. will therefore widen. At the same time Western Europe will make a conscious attempt to present an independent, unique face to the rest of the world, and not the face of a 'junior-partner' of the U.S. Why do I believe that Western Europe will move to the left? The position of labour in Europe is the main reason. Unlike in the U.S. where trade unions want to remain a force independent from Government and management, the unions in Europe press for a larger voice in management affairs. This goal of having labour representatives on the Boards of Directors, and in the other decision making bodies of the corporations is placed among the high priority demands in many industries. Many corporations already have a worker/management council and the importance and influence of these councils is rapidly increasing. Within the next decade virtually every industry will have these councils, which will, by that time, have a decisive voice in many crucial areas.

This new Western Europe can be expected to pursue a very active 'Ostpolitik' designed to normalize relations with the Communist countries with which it shares the continent.

For the U.S., European integration will bring some disadvantages in the short run, but tremendous advantages in later stages. Economically certain actions are bound to hurt American interests, especially in such areas as investment and agriculture. However, the U.S. will have to give Europe the opportunity to straighten out its affairs-certain sectors do need protection, much like the one given to ‘infant industries' in underdeveloped countries—before the market can be completely opened to foreign competitors. Eventually the E.E.C. will be the largest market in the world, and the U.S. corporations skilled as no other in mass production and mass marketing will benefit greatly from the existence of such a unified market. And not only in economic sense will the completion of the E.E.C. be to the advantage of the U.S. Europe is still the first line of defense for the U.S. against the Communist countries of Eastern Europe, and with a situation in most Western European countries which makes it political suicide to increase defense expenditures by contributing more money to maintaining American troops in Europe, the best possible defense against Communism is an economically strong Western Europe. The Communists have in the past 50 years been notoriously unsuccessful in overtaking countries with a healthy economy and a strong democratic government.

I believe that most young people in Europe consider the Cold War to be a thing of the past. They want Western Europe to re-take its independent place in this world, and they realize that they can only do this when they are united. They hope that Western Europe, in a loose alliance with the U.S., but at the same time wide open to the east, will occupy the middle ground between the two super-powers of the present time.

Mr. DUTILH. In Western Europe, the youth in my opinion feel caught in the middle between the Communist bloc and the United States.

At the moment, I feel it is fashionable among the youth to be slightly pro-Communist and anti-American. The reason for this is the growing up process in Europe. Europe is trying to find its own place in the world, the place it lost in the Second World War.

I think this process is healthy. I don't think America should worry about it. I also don't think that the leading nation in the world, the major superpower, can ever expect to be popular. The jealousy and the constant presence of such a country everywhere, where there are problems, will force the leading nation in the world to make many unpopular decisions.

Moreover, the United States being a very open society, demonstrates and often emphasizes the weaknesses of its society.

The reason that the Communist bloc seems to be more popular with the youth is

Mr. ROSENTHAL. Do you talk of youth in America or Europe? Mr. DUTILH. In Western Europe.

I can't really figure out why at the moment it is fashionable for the youth in Western Europe to be slightly pro-Communist.

I have the feeling on the one hand it is very clever Communist propaganda. On the other hand, it is the feeling that Russia is the underdoo--this opinion may come as a surprise to many Americans.

Russia was without the Marshall plan, without assistance-it made it on its own. It sent Sputnik up 50 years after the revolution, or even less than that, and it achieved fantastic economic feats.

In Europe itself. I foresee that Western Europeans, will become increasingly nationalistic. In the coming decade, I expect that all neutral countries and present members of the Common Market will one way