COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS THOMAS E. MORGAN, CLEMENT J. ZABLOCKI, Wisconsin L. H. FOUNTAIN, North Carolina MORGAN F. MURPHY, Illinois Pennsylvania, Chairman WILLIAM S. MAILLIARD, California EDWARD J. DERWINSKI, Illinois ROY J. BULLOCK, Staff Administrator SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS LEE H. HAMILTON, Indiana WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD, Michigan CHARLES P. WITTER, Subcommittee Staff Consultant (II) CONTENTS LIST OF WITNESSES Page 38 18 39 3 Tuesday, June 22, 1971: Dow, Hon. John J., a Representative in Congress from the State of McClory, Hon. Robert, a Representative in Congress from the State Montgomery, Hon. G. V. (Sonny), a Representative in Congress Rosenthal, Hon. Benjamin S., a Representative in Congress from the Wolff, Hon. Lester L., a Representative in Congress from the State of Wednesday, June 23, 1971: Buchanan, Hon. John, a Representative in Congress from the State Dow, Hon. John J., a Representative in Congress from the State of 45 Matsunaga, Hon. Spark M., a Representative in Congress from the 87 Robison, Hon. Howard W., a Representative in Congress from the 66 Thursday, June 24, 1971: Abourezk, Hon. James, a Representative in Congress from the State 145 Abzug, Hon. Bella, a Representative in Congress from the State of 136 Anderson, Hon. John B., a Representative in Congress from the State 120 Leggett, Hon. Robert L., a Representative in Congress from the State 91 Pepper, Hon. Claude, a Representative in Congress from the State of 133 Tuesday, June 29, 1971: Bingham, Hon. Jonathan B., a Representative in Congress from the 152 Gibbons, Hon. Sam M., a Representative in Congress from the State 197 McCloskey, Hon. Paul N., a Representative in Congress from the 163 Ryan, Hon. William F., a Representative in Congress from the State 210 Waldie, Hon. Jerome R., a Representative in Congress from the State 206 Wednesday, June 30, 1971: Fraser, Hon. Donald M., a Representative in Congress from the State 219 Keith, Hon. Hastings, a Representative in Congress from the State of 228 Monday, July 12, 1971: Green, Hon. Marshall, Assistant Secretary for East Asian and Pacific 236 STATEMENTS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD BY MEMBERS OF CONGRESS Statement of Hon. Brock Adams, a Representative in Congress from the Statement of Hon. Joseph P. Addabbo, a Representative in Congress from 261 266 Statement of Hon. William S. Broomfield, a Representative in Congress from the State of Michigan.. 2 Statement of Hon. O. Clark Fisher, a Representative in Congress from the 266 Statement of Hon. Joseph E. Karth, a Representative in Congress from the 268 Statement of Hon. Romano L. Mazzoli, a Representative in Congress from the State of Kentucky. 270 Statement of Hon. Parren J. Mitchell, a Representative in Congress from the State of Maryland. 271 Statement of Hon. David R. Obey, a Representative in Congress from the 272 Statement of Hon. Albert H. Quie, a Representative in Congress from the 20 Statement of Hon. John R. Rarick, a Representative in Congress from the 273 Statement of Hon. John G. Schmitz, a Representative in Congress from the State of California.. 275 Statement of Hon. John F. Seiberling, a Representative in Congress from the State of Ohio.. 277 Statement of Hon. Dick Shoup, a Representative in Congress from the 279 Statement of Hon. Al Ullman, a Representative in Congress from the State of Oregon... 283 STATEMENTS AND MEMORANDUMS SUBMITTED Table submitted by Congressman Rosenthal showing total allied casualties from 1969-March 1971.. 7 Article from the Washington Post entitled "Viet Politicking: U.S. Plane, 26 Letter submitted by Congressman Wolff from Major General Edward G. 30 Poll from Opinion Research Corp., Princeton, New Jersey, submitted by 52 Report submitted to Congressman Buchanan by the Office of the Secretary of Defense concerning Vietnamization. Article from the Washington Post entitled "VC Would Liquidate 3 Million Ren arks of Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C., President of Notre Statement by member of DRV delegation and DRV press spokesman Statement by PRG deputy spokesman Nguyen Van Tien to Congressman Transcript of conversation between Congressman Seymour Halpern and Transcripts of conversations with representatives of the North Vietnamese Article by Representative Robert L. Leggett entitled "How To Bring Letter addressed to Congressman Leggett from Mrs. Barbara R. Mullen, wife of a prisoner of war in Laos. 110 Information supplied by Congressman Bingham concerning French resolution on withdrawal from Algeria... 156 LEGISLATION ON THE INDOCHINA WAR TUESDAY, JUNE 22, 1971 HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SUBCOMMITTEE ON ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS, Washington, D.C. The subcommittee met at 2:45 p.m., in room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Cornelius E. Gallagher (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. Mr. GALLAGHER. The subcommittee will come to order. I want to welcome you here this afternoon as the Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee opens the first comprehensive House hearings into bills and resolutions relating to ending the war in Indochina. Today, we are hearing arguments of national security advanced over the publication of documents relating to the beginning and escalation of our involvement in the region. As important as national security may be, perhaps even more important to America is that the problems of Indochina are threatening our national sanity. Mistrust of our leaders past and present and disgust over the results of our policies are ripping apart the fragile fabric of our society and poisoning much of our national life. As but one brief example which distresses me immensely this afternoon, the war in Indochina has so clouded our view of Asian affairs that we seem virtually immobilized in the face of the unprecedented human tragedy of East Pakistan. The purpose of our hearing is not to perform a divisive exercise in name calling or guilt-ascribing over our past Indochina actions. I know of no people, inside or outside of the Congress, who want this war to continue. Who among us wants the killing of either Americans or Asians to continue? We are united in our desire to see our prisoners of war released from their cruel confinement. So there are areas of agreement and positions around which men of good will can unite. The question before us is not whether the war should end. The questions we are considering are when the war will end and how best to bring it about. What will the United States leave behind in Indochina as we conclude our combat role? In light of the recent confirmation of our involvement in the overthrow of the Diem regime which disturbed the existing natural political balance, we created an inescapable moral commitment to the governments in Saigon which have followed. I opposed that decision at the time and we must now ask ourselves hard questions about America's legitimate interest in governments or the personalities in power in Saigon. I believe we must consider whether our current or postcombat policy in Vietnam and in all of Indochina should concern itself with matters which, in my judgment, stimulated the first fatal steps into the quagmire. The distinguished chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, the Honorable Thomas E. Morgan, has referred some 70 bills and resolutions to this subcommittee. We intend to begin our considerations with at least 4 days of testimony from Members of Congress. We invited not only those colleagues who are cosponsors of the various legislative proposals, but also those who have not, as yet, affixed their names to congressional initiatives. We want to hear all views. If there are alternatives to the policies of this administration, let us hear rational debate. If there is a functional role for legislative solutions or legislative assitance, let it be discussed responsibly and with a tolerance of the obvious differences of opinions and attitudes which exist in the Congress and in the country. I believe that President Nixon has already made the basic decision to end our military role in Indochina. Thus the basic issue at stake in these bearings is whether a fixed date resolution to force a conclusion will have a meaningful effect in carrying out that policy, or whether the reverse is true. One final word: It is in the spirit of democracy and not in the spirit of dogmatism that I open these hearings today. It is a search for areas of agreement and not the search for cataracts of controversy that is the basic goal of the subcommittee's endeavors. At this point, I would like to submit for the record a statement by the ranking minority member of the subcommittee, the Honorable William S. Broomfield, of Michigan. (The statement follows:) STATEMENT OF HON. WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MICHIGAN I commend the distinguished Chairman for calling these hearings before the Asian and Pacific Affairs Subcommittee, and I offer to him any assistance he may find necessary in their conduct. I believe that, in arranging these discussions, he has done a major service to the House of Representatives, the Congress and the nation as a whole. By far the dominant impression I have received from my reading of the published accounts of our entry into Vietnam is the feeling that the policy-makers of those years regarded the entire problem as little more than an exercise in cold war strategy-a very important exercise, to be sure, but an exercise nonetheless. It seems that, in their fascination with the unique character of the war in Vietnam, these men were careless of one crucial consideration: that individual Americans would be asked to carry the burden of those strategic objectives and that many thousands of them would lose their lives in the process. Theirs was a common failure of those who govern, but, if Vietnam has taught us anything, it is that such failures can be tolerated no longer; that individual lives cannot be so needlessly sacrificed. That is the approach I hope will be brought to these hearings. We can consider international strategy or national pride only after we have understood the feelings of those 500 men who will be asked to die in the next six months and those 1.500 men who have already lost years of their lives in enemy prison camps. These men must be foremost in our thoughts: their withdrawal from Vietnam and their release from enemy prisons our sole objective. Perhaps I have oversimplified the problem, but if that serves to better focus our discussions, I willingly take the risk. There are human lives at stake here: no strategic consideration, whether it be the stabilization of the South Vietnamese regime or the maintenance of American influence around the world, can override that one basic fact. |