THERE is something appalling in a first appearance. It invariably produces a degree of nervous trepidation. It is looked forward to with anxiety. The interests of the entire future, as far at least as relates to time, are involved in it. It is the crisis of a person's history. The girl just about to come forth into life, and to mix in the gaieties of the fashionable world; the student wasting the midnight oil in preparing, for the first time, for the dreadful ordeal of the black-stone; the author on the eve of the publication of his first work; the actor whose first appearance upon any stage has been announced to an expectant public; the barrister with his first brief; the people's representative committing to memory the eloquent and graceful periods of his maiden speech all can tell of the anxieties which the anticipation of a first appearance never fails to create. Were we then to assert that the anticipation of our first appearance in such an august assembly as the reformed House of Commons, and with the certainty of encountering from divers members of it frowns of awful blackness, caused us no anxiety, we should probably be charged either with bare-faced impudence or insufferable vanity. And yet, for we like to tell the truth whatever may be the consequence, such is the fact. We felt no anxiety; no tremblings of heart. Our opponents may account for it as they please, but there's the simple truth. Nor was our confidence ill founded. Represented by two of the leaders of the great Conservative party, the

Peel Club made its first appearance in the Senate of the nation and retired with honour. That Mr. Wallace and the individuals in Glasgow who suggested the motion itself, and furnished the materials of the speech by which it was supported, intended to frighten us, we have no doubt. Most unfortunately, however, they formed a very erroneous estimate of our character. In fact, the very attempt to alarm us, has inspired us with greater boldness and courage. Indeed, a strong fatality appears to be constantly attendant upon the proceedings of our opponents. Every plan which their ingenuity has hitherto devised to annoy or to overthrow us, has only added to our honour. Every attempt to weaken our influence has greatly increased it. Every effort, whether of an open or a secret nature, to induce us to disband our ranks has only bound us more firmly together, and has thus prepared us for entering, with greater energy and assurance, upon the contests which may yet await us. Nor is this the extent of their misfortune. What we have gained, they have lost; for not only have they failed to accomplish the object for which thay have so assiduously laboured, but the very effort has injured their own cause, by diminishing even the little power which they before possessed. And who were the individuals by whom Mr. Wallace was supported? Hume and Warburton!!! We exclude the Hon. Fox Maule, because the little countenance he gave to the motion only served to render it more contemptible. Here then we have three radicals, the professed advocates of freedom, the bold denouncers of tyranny in every shape, attempting to constrain the liberty of others, because, forsooth, the exercise of that liberty is displeasing to themselves.

Much has been said about the absurdity of such a step as that taken by the Member for Greenock, and the folly of wasting the time of the House of Commons by a debate upon two rival Clubs in a Scotch University. The idea is no doubt a novel one, and we can conceive of nothing which could urge the liberal party to such a step, but a feeling of positive desperation. What the House of Commons had to do with the matter we were unable to see. Absurd, however, as the whole proceeding undoubtedly was, it was in no small degree complimentary to the Peel Club. Nothing could have demonstrated so conclusively that our influence is felt. With this fact forced upon us in innumerable ways, we can very well satisfy ourselves with smiling at the gross misrepresentations of the nature and constitution of our Club. The assertion that we are only a parcel of boys banded together for the purpose of playing at politics, and of holding convivial meetings, only contributes to our amusement, and convinces us of the grievous folly of which they are guilty who attempt to write upon subjects of which they are altogether ignorant. That boys should exert a decided

OUR FIRST APPEARANCE IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 195

influence upon the political world is a novelty in our nation's history, and far different must be the youth of the present age from that of any which have preceded it, when they can collect together such an assemblage of rank and talent as that which graced our last anniversary festival-the proceedings of which were reported through the length and breadth of the land. The liberals at a distance may think of us as boys not long escaped from the nursery, and may follow us in imagination to taverns of the third order, where they may conjure up what scenes their tastes render most congenial; but the liberals in Glasgow can tell a different tale, and have already felt our power much to their own discomfiture. If we can do so much as boys, let our enemies tremble for the arrival of our manhood.

But let us look for a moment at the objections which have been brought against the establishment of political Clubs in the University. They are chiefly two. First, that it is wrong to induce the students of the University to take their stand with one or other of the two great political parties under whose banners the nation is at present ranged, since they may afterwards see cause to regret the step they have taken, but feel reluctant to leave the party with which they have inconsiderately identified themselves; and secondly, that it draws them from those studies which should exclusively occupy their attention. These two objections are so closely connected with each other that we shall notice them together.

We ask, then, at the outset, what is the object of Education? It is not the mere communication of knowledge: it is also the formation of character, and the fitting of each individual to take his station in society with honour to himself and with advantage to those around him. Hence it follows that to prepare an individual for acting the part of a useful citizen, and for advancing according to his opportun ities, the happiness and prosperity of his country, is one of the noblest objects which education can secure. That the subject is one of considerable difficulty is nothing to the point further than it requires in those who would study it to advantage a certain amount of mental power. We should suppose, however, that individuals who are com- / petent to enter upon the study of the Aristotelian and Baconian systems of Logic, and the abstruse subtilties of metaphysical speculations; to range through the varied departments of Mathematical and Physical Science; to sound the depths of Theological truth; to investigate the principles of Jurisprudence or to mark the structure and workings of the material frame so as to apply with success the necessary remedies for the removal of those various diseases to which it is liable, cannot be altogether wanting in ability to comprehend the principles upon which a nation should be governed. We hold, indeed, that there is

a political education through which every one should pass. Without this, the man just entering life and called to the exercise of his privileges, and the performance of his duty as a member of the general community, would be at a loss how to act and might thus become the pliable tool of some designing and active partizan ever on the watch to enlist others in the support of the cause to which he himself is devoted.

There exists, therefore, no good reason why young men should abstain altogether from the study and discussion of political subjects. It may, however, be objected, that admitting this general principle, it may still be improper to interfere with the usual studies of a Collegiate course. If in any case this has been the effect of the Peel Club, we admit that it has been to that extent an evil, but this we directly charge upon the leaders of the Liberal Association. Had they pursued an honourable course, the harmony and general routine of the University would have been undisturbed. Had they not come forth at the commencement of the present session, in defiance of all precedent and in opposition to every principle of gentlemanly courtesy, to attack Sir James Graham, the Peel Club Papers might never have appeared, and had they not instigated their Parliamentary agent to attempt a system of annoying interference, these Papers would have maintained the purely literary character which after the first three numbers they had assumed. It was undoubtedly the object of the founders of the Peel Club to confine its politics chiefly to the Rectorial contests, and this would have been scrupulously kept in view if our opponents had not compelled us to adopt a more decided course, in order to free the University from the influence of those revolutionary principles which are subversive of the happiness and prosperity of the nation.

We are not, however, prepared to admit the truth of our opponents' assumption, that the studies of the University have been interrupted by the establishment of the two Clubs. This may have been the case in one or two instances, but as a general assertion it is false. Nor in these instances is the evil a necessary one. It is altogether attributable to the causes already assigned; and if the members of the Liberal Association are sincere in their professions let them carefully avoid those aggravating measures which cannot fail to excite strong party feeling. That such Clubs as those which now exist within the University of Glasgow may be rendered in the highest degree subservient to the literary interests of the students, while they prepare them for the important duties which await them in future life, we have no doubt, and as far as we are concerned this is our sincere desire. At the same time, we will not submit to any attack without manfully and indignantly resenting it.

ALLAN ROY.

Concluded from page 177.

"You will remember," said she, "that it was a beautiful morning when I left your house and undertook to travel home alone; but that as the day advanced, the sky began to wear a threatening aspect until the clouds became of a heavy leaden hue fringed round their edges with a brightish red, and here and there altogether overspread with a dusky fiery crimson which, with the wild murmuring of the wind, seemed to portend a thunder storm.

“Yes, I remember," replied her Cousin, "and it did thunder dreadfully that day."

"Well," continued Miss Dumont, 66 as it drew towards the afternoon, darker and darker grew the sky, and louder and louder blew the wind, as I proceeded on that long and solitary portion of the road which is rendered more dreary by the deep forests with which it is skirted. In the middle of these woods, my ears were saluted by the notes of a human voice chaunting in irregular strains, divers snatches of song with which I was so much delighted that I was induced to pause and listen; when I beheld, sitting beneath a tree and leaning against its trunk, a young man whose dress, although it bore the marks of decay indicated its wearer to have been in the better walks of society. His visage was pale and saddened with calamity, yet in its fine features it bore the impress of a once high intelligence and in his clear dark eye the fiery spirit of poesy seemed to come and go as his heart responded to the verses which he sung. He was so situated in my path that I could not pass him without a salutation; but he kept himself so busy with a knife cutting a small piece of wood into some fantastic shape which gave amusement to his fancy, that he did not recognize me. I was interested in his appearance and had no sense of fear when I bid him good-day, and remarked that I thought a storm was approaching; and to this he replied as I now endeavour to imitate him. "Yes, young Lady!" when ceasing his employment, he with a bewildered look scanned my face, and afterwards turned his eyes to the sky and began to sing thus,

"When the sea-bird leaves the shore

And inland seeks to fly,

Then the sailor should implore

For mercy from on high."

"Do you travel on foot young Lady?" he asked, as he again began to whittle the piece of wood, and when I returned in the affirmative he