who had been sent from Germany on a special mission, wrote to the King of Bohemia in this same June: The Prince is now in excellent health. My portrait of him for your Majesty will not differ much from my previous one. His face is regular enough, and there is nothing disagreeable in his features. His hair is brown and straight; his head of middle size, the forehead low, the eyes gray, the lips neither thick nor thin, the chin rather long, and the face pale. Nothing in him reminds us of the blood of the Hapsbourgs. He is neither tall nor broadshouldered, and one of his shoulder blades is higher than the other. His chest sinks in, and he has a small hump in the lower part of his back. His left leg is longer than the right. His hips are large but badly shaped, and his legs are weak. His voice is shrill and feeble, and he has a difficulty in speaking; the words come out very slowly, and he pronounces badly the rand ; but nevertheless he knows how to say what he wishes, and can make himself understood. The moral portrait of the Prince as we deduce it from the different contemporary descriptions is commonplace, if not wholly unfavourable. If we knew nothing of him but the dispositions of his will, said to have been his own composition, we might credit him with much that was amiable: I command (he there says) that my body shall be given back to the earth, of which it is formed, clothed with the habit of St. Francis, and that no monument should be made for me, or anything be placed on my grave but a plain jasper slab.... I entreat the King my master, and charge my executors, that they should see that everything relating to my burial should be performed without ostentation or vanity. ... I ordain that the sum of 10,000 ducats may be given in alms to ransom those captive Christians who are most in need of it for the welfare of their souls, or those who were taken in fulfilling their duty to God and the King my lord.... Item, I ordain that besides 1,000 ducats which the King my lord directed to be delivered to Mariana Yarutas, spinster, who is at present in the monastery of St. John of Henáres, to help her marriage, or enable her to enter into a religious order-a further sum of 1,000 ducats should be given her if she takes the veil, or 3,000 for her marriage portion.... I direct that my debts be paid; and, in consideration of my love and duty to the Reverend Father in Christ, Don Honorato Juan, bishop-elect of Osuna, my master, I ordain that his debts be paid also, as if they were my own, and I entreat and pray him to allow this in proof of the friendship I bear him. . . . Juan, my master, my cloths of gold and silI bequeath also to the aforesaid Honorato ver tapestry, those that represent the history of the imprisonment at Pavia of the Christian King Francis. . . . To Quixada, my equerry, I leave everything he has and may have of mine in his possession at the time of my death. . . . I ordain that if my slaves Diego and Juan, whom I apprenticed with Jacome Trezo, sculptor, should learn the said craft, and turn out honest men, they should be set free. . . . I ordain that, as Don Martin de Cordova in 1563 defended so nobly the fortress of Maraquevir, surrounded by Turks and Moors, I promised to give him 3,000 ducats revenue for ever for himself and his heirs, as I have not been able to serve him as yet, as I hope to do if God gives me life, I order the said 3,000 ducats to be given to him. I also order that one year's salary may be given to every member of my household; and that with what remains of my property a college should be founded for friars of the Order of St. Francis, that they may pray to God for my soul. Wherever in the will the Prince speaks of his father, he is respectful even to exaggeration, and there is nothing in the whole document but does credit to his memory. Dietrichstein to the same purpose says: He is extremely pious, and a great lover of justice and truth. He detests falsehoods, and never forgives anyone that he has caught in a lie. He is fond of simple, virtuous, and honest people. He likes being served well and punctually, and loves and favours those who serve him in this manner. Yet side by side with these praises we hear continual complaints of his indiscretions. Soranzo, the successor of Tiepolo the Venetian ambassador, writes: The Prince neither listens to nor considers anyone. He takes little notice of his father, Gachard thinks Mariana was the girl who unluckily caused the Prince's fall, and tradition is entirely in accordance with this idea. Gachard says that he had a liking for one of his friends, Juan Esteben de Lobon, who had been his valet. He made this man keeper of his wardrobe and jewels. One day at the beginning of 1567, for some unaccountable reason, he fell into a violent passion, and threatened to throw him out of the window, called him a rogue and robber, and made him give a strict account of everything he had under his charge. A short time after he gave Don Alonso de Cordova a blow, saying he had been longing to do it for more than six months, on account of some words of Don Alonso's which had displeased him. He threatened Don Fadrique Enriquez, his major domo, with a dagger; and we also find among the lists of the expenses of Don Carlos indemnities paid to the persons whose children had been illtreated by his orders. The stories which Cabrera and Brantôme tell of his having obliged a shoemaker to eat up a pair of boots which did not fit him, cut into small pieces, and of his having ordered a house to be burnt down and the inhabitants put to death because some water had been spilt on him as he passed by, may very likely be true. He was savage also to animals: he shut himself in a stable for five hours, and illtreated the horses most dreadfully; and once he illused his father's favourite charger in such a way that it died a few days afterwards. The aversion of this amiable youth extended particularly to everyone whom Philip II. honoured with his favour. One day he met the president of the Council of Castille, Don Diego Espinosa, who had prevented a comedian called Cisneros from acting before him. The Prince you seized him, and drawing his dagger, said, 'Miserable little priest, how dare hinder Cisneros from attending me? By the life of my father I will kill you!' Espinosa only escaped a stab by kneeling for mercy. On another occasion when Philip II. had locked himself in with his ministers to treat of important affairs, Don Carlos, curious to hear what they were discussing, listened at the door, and knocked down one of his gentlemen who remonstrated with him. When the Duke of Alva went to take leave of him on his departure for the Low Countries, he flew into a passion, and drawing his sword, said the Duke should not go, for he would kill him. The Duke caught his arm and held him till some one came. These extravagances must necessarily have vexed the King; but notwithstanding, in June 1564 Philip consented to his son's taking part in the government of the kingdom, and gave him the presidency of the Council of State. He appointed at the same time Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of Eboli, to be his guardian, much to Don Carlos's disgust, for Eboli was a blind and devoted servant of the King, but he was so dextrous a courtier that he very soon gained the Prince's affection. In the following February the Pope sent Don Carlos the hat and sword which are reserved for the Prince who has distinguished himself by his zeal for religion. It was the time when Count Egmont came to Spain. Cabrera and Brantôme say that Egmont had several interviews with Don Carlos, and persuaded him to go to Flanders. Gachard considers this unproved. Catherine de Medicis had long wished for an interview with Philip II., and after many communications it was resolved in the spring of 1565 that the Queen should meet her mother at Bayonne. The Queen left Madrid on April 9, accompanied by 1 Don Carlos, Don Juan of Austria, and a number of nobles, who escorted her the first day's journey and then returned to Madrid. Philip, who had started before her, met her in Guadarrama, and they there took leave of each other and went to different convents to pass the Easter recess, as was the King's custom. At the beginning of May they again met at Valladolid, where Don Carlos and Don Juan spent a few days with them. After a week of amusements they finally took leave of each other, and the Queen proceeded to Bayonne. She was again met on her return by the same party, and Don Carlos was so delighted to see her that he sprang off his horse and kissed her hand. In the autumn of 1565 he had a fresh fit of ague. His voracity was unabated; and the Prince of Orange writes to his brother Louis: 'The Prince of Spain, after having eaten sixteen pounds of fruit and four pounds of grapes, drank two cups of water, which caused him a syncope, and produced his illness.' But whatever may have been his moral or physical defects, there was not a single princess in Europe who was not longing to be his wife. Catherine de Medicis wanted him for her daughter, Madame Marguerite. Mary Stuart was another candidate for the Prince's hand, and the match was ardently desired for her by her uncles, the Guises. The Emperor of Austria tried to secure him for the Archduchess Ana; and the Infanta Donna Juana, Philip II.'s sister, the widow of Don Juan of Portugal, for herself. Donna Juana was so eager about it that she rejected a number of other suitors. She was one of the most beautiful and most gifted women of her time; but she was ten years older than Don Carlos; and whether for that reason or, as Gachard suggests, because she had been to him almost a mother, Don Carlos beVOL. IV. NO. XIX. NEW SERIES. came furious when any allusion was made before him to this marriage: 'He would rather die,' he said, 'than be forced to marry her.' The Prince showed more sense in this difficult matter than was common to him, and insisted on following his own inclinations. Of all the princesses who were offered to him, he showed most liking for Ana of Austria, and several times alluded to her as his favourite. Philip, meanwhile, irresolute as usual, diplomatised with the French, Scotch, and Austrian Courts, giving hopes to each. Volumes of letters and instructions were exchanged between the King and his agents, yet, notwithstanding, Don Carlos died unmarried. It is not easy to explain Don Carlos's passion for his cousin, Donna Ana, for he only had seen her portrait. It is certain, however, that he had fastened his fancy upon this princess. This was one of the numerous subjects of discord between the father and son. Don Carlos found, every day, fresh ground of annoyance in his father's conduct. On the whole, however, his unequal character, his excesses, and general extravagance justify his father's treatment of him. Don Carlos complained that he had not been appointed governor of a province although he was nineteen, while his father had been Regent of Spain at sixteen. He complained that although he had been destined from his infancy for the government of the Low Countries, he had never been sent there. He showed his aversion for all the members of his household who had been appointed by the King, and did his best on every occasion to render Philip II. ridiculous. It is said he kept a book in which his father's progresses were caricatured, and he went so far that Don Honorato Juan, who was devoted to him, wrote him a letter of remon strance on his behaviour from Valladolid in 1566. This letter enables us to understand the pupil and the D master. Honorato divides his advice into three parts-the respect he owes to God, his duty to his father, and his manner of treating those dependent on him. On this latter point, on which he most dilates, he recommends him to be courteous to his father's ministers and officers; he bids him be kind to his inferiors, and charges him not to offend any one or be anxious to find out their defects and the faults they have committed. Doctor. Suarez wrote in the same sense to him. Their advice produced no effect, however, if we judge by Don Carlos's subsequent behaviour. Honorato died soon after, and appointed his pupil his universal legatee. The only person Don Carlos seems to have had any affection for was his stepmother, Isabel de Valois. 'Il estoit,' says Brantôme, 'le fléau de toutes fors de la royne, que j'ai veu qu'il honoroit fort et respectoit, car estant devant elle il changeoit du tout, d'humeur et de naturel, voire de couleur.' From this affection has arisen the transformation of these personages by poets and romancers into passionate lovers. On the part of the Queen a dishonourable passion is totally and utterly incredible, while it was no less natural and creditable that she should do all in her power to alleviate the sufferings and soothe the sorrows of her unfortunate step-son. It is not quite certain that we can affirm the same of Don Carlos. The suspicion does not occur to Gachard, and yet it seems to me as if no other cause would so completely account for the behaviour of Philip. From the moment of the Queen's arrival in Spain the Prince appeared to devote himself to her. It may have been the result of gratitude for the attentions which the Queen had shown him. The Princess Donna Juana had taken the greatest care of him during his infancy, and had treated him with the love of a mother, and yet we can find no sign of any such regard for her. When Isabel was on her way to Valladolid the King intended to send his son on pilgrimage to Guadalupe in Estremadura. He changed his mind, we do not know why; but there was some mystery in the matter, for the French ambassador, St. Sulpice, did not venture to mention it in a secret letter: ce qui n'est encore guères divulgué, et n'est besoing qu' 'on en parle, car l'occasion de ce ne s'en peult escripre.' St. Sulpice begged Philip to allow the Prince of Eboli to accompany the Queen to Bayonne; the King answered that the Prince his son was going to Our Lady of Guadalupe; and he could only trust him with Eboli, for he was afraid if he did not always keep by his side that he would be found in the place from which he started on his jour ney.' In a letter on which Gachard comments, of one of the Queen's ladies, the Prince's affection for the Queen is alluded to pointedly: 'La royne et la Princesse sopent souvent en un jardin qui est pres de la méson, et le prince avec elles, qui aime la reine singulierement. Je crois qu'il voudroit estre davantage son parent." Philip prohibited the Prince from visiting the Queen during her illness in 1564, although the French Ambassador was admitted whenever he chose. M. de la Ferrière, in a recent work upon the subject, quotes part of a diary kept by a French lady in waiting on the Queen for the use of Catherine de Medicis. This diary describes the way the Court passed their time in Aranjuez and Toledo, and frequent allusion is made to the Prince, who, we find, never lost an opportunity of accompanying the Queen. The details given bring before us their daily life with the greatest exactitude. The lady says: One day at Aranjuez the Queen and the Princess Juana went out and met a man mounted on a donkey with fish pasties; on these they breakfasted, with water from the rivulet which they drank with their hands. They then took possession of a cart, into which they climbed-Mademoiselle de Bourbon, the Count, and one of the Queen's ladies; I followed on an old mule; and thus we made our way to a meadow at the end of an avenue, where were some colts, cows, and goats. The Queen and the Princess set to work to milk the cows, and having no vessels they used the Princess's hat. They soaked some bread in the milk and ate it, and afterwards mounted on donkeys, for want of something better to do, and went to see the stags. Afterwards we returned to the castle. The Queen went to the room where the King was dining, and after talking to him a little she and the Princess took their dinner in a gallery near her room, which looks upon the King's terrace, Afterwards the Prince and Don The Juan went to shoot with crossbows. she mounted, but without hurting herself. to Toledo. et faire musicque, qui fut ung fort beau service plus avecques cerymonye espaignolle que françoyse. → The next day La Princesse et elle monterent chez le roij veoir les manteaulx et l'acoutrement de l'empire avec les troys couronnes, qui est la plus riche chose que l'on sçauroit veoyr: car tout est couvert de riches, perles : les moindres sont de trois ou quatre escus, et la plus part sont de cinquante ou soixante, principallement celles des couronnes, le tout estant plein de diamans en roses, en tables, et en pointes, où il y en a si fort grande ble; et après cella luy fut montré l'or comme quantité que je n'en vy jamais tant ensem-, il vient des Indes, qui est si pur qu'il ne le fault point puriffier. L'on luy montra sept licornes: il y en avoit quatre qui n'estoyent pas de la haulteur d'ung homme, et trois autres qui estoyent plus haultes d'un homme de deux pieds. These letters are full of charming details. Why should M. de la Ferrière find so much fault with habits so simple ? Jamais vie ne fut plus monotone ni plus vide'-yet ing country pleasure. The diary every day is passed in some charmonly extends over twenty-six days, and La Ferrière exaggerates in saying, 'Il nous livre les secrets de l'alcôve, nous révèle les habi tudes de la vie privée de Philippe II.' If it does reveal them, and these days are a specimen of the rest, Philip has been a much misrepresented man. 2 In the summer of 1566, after the Prince had passed a few days in From Aranjuez the Court went Madrid with Don Juan of Austria, they joined the royal family in the country, where the Queen was confined of a daughter. Don Carlos was to have been the godfather of the infant princess, but Tisnacq reported the Prince was so weak that Don Juan had to hold the child and take it into the Queen's apartments. Le dimanche jour de Pentecouste elle aroit une robbe de satin gris esgratigné, chamarré de franges d'or, la cotte de velours blanc bordie de deux larges passemenz d'or et d'argent à jour, coyfée à la françoyse. Ce jour-là elle ouyt le service divin en la salle, célébré en la royalle fort dévotement et honorablement. La royne fut servie de mesme, le grand maistre allant à chascun service à la viande avec ques tous les principaulx de ses officiers tous nuds testes depuis la cuisine accompaignez de la garde des trompettes, tabourins, héraulx d'armes avecques leurs cottes, et huissiers avecques leurs maces d'argent pour donner ordre dans la salle Montigny and Berghen now arrived in Madrid, in hopes of obtaining from Philip II. some measures of relief for the Low Countries. They urged their suit with the most praiseworthy zeal, but while |