noisy and unscrupulous demagogues obtaining influence, and where every man knows his neighbour, character and respectability have their proper weight.

Elementary education, too, is universally diffused; the acquisition of which is rendered imperative by the necessity laid upon every Swede, with some exceptions, of being confirmed before he can marry, or exercise many of the ordinary rights of manhood, while none are admitted to confirmation who are unable to read and write. The result is that the Swedes are a well-educated people, if the possession of these simple acquirements be taken as the test. The poorest classes again are excluded from the right of voting, which is dependent upon the payment of a small sum of direct taxes. The ballot is universally made use of, alike in the elections for the Riksdag, and for the parish board. In the Riksdag itself, as well as in the Landsting and other governing

bodies it is used in the determination of all questions. Even the appointment of the Standing Committees in the Riksdag, and matters so trifling as the reduction of the salary of the secretary to a Landsting, its use is imperative, except where the decision is given by acclamation, and acquiesced in. So far as a stranger can form an opinion upon such questions, the government of the country seems to be settled upon a basis, which not merely produces satisfaction in the governed, but is in fact well adapted to the development of its resources, and the security of its well-being.

The administration of justice is anxiously cared for, and in the higher courts its purity seems to be undoubted. The State has set before itself the twofold aim of bringing justice to every man's door, and of doing so in the cheapest manner; in the latter of which objects its success cannot

be denied. For judicial purposes Sweden is divided into three provinces; each of which is furnished with a Court of Appeal, as well as numerous Courts of the First Instance. Forty-four Domsagor, or small districts, are subject to the jurisdiction of Svea-Hofrätt, which holds its sittings in Stockholm; forty-three to that of Göta-Hofrat in Jönköping; while Scania-Hofrätt only comprises fifteen within its bounds. In the Courts of the First Instance a single Häradshöfding or judge sits for the trial of all cases, with no limitation, either as to the amount of the property at stake, or the nature of the lawsuit. Excepting prosecutions under the laws regulating the press, jurytrial is unknown; but its want is made up by the presence of twelve substantial peasants in the country districts, who act as assessors of the Härodshöfding, though vested with but slight authority, since only when unanimous can they over-ride the decision of the judge. These assessors are elected by the inhabitants of the district, and hold their appointment for two years. In towns there are also assessors, and the Burgomaster, who is appointed by the crown from a list of three, chosen by the citizens, is chairman of the court. In the absence of lawyers, the assessors are found of some use in preventing the judge from taking a one-sided view of the case, for strange as it may appear, the Swedish law assumes that every man can state his own case, in spite of the adage warning the man, who is his own lawyer, that he has a fool for his client. The profession of a barrister does not exist, and the only resource for a litigant, who is distrustful of his own legal powers, is to give a mandate to some clever friend to speak for him. The duty also is incumbent on the judge to assist by his advice the suitors in the conduct of the case; and in giving judgment he must state the steps

which the defeated party may take in order to obtain its reversal, as well as the time within which he may avail himself of his privilege of appeal. Two other reasons exist, which may explain the fact that such a system does not frequently result in the miscarriage of justice: the one is the general education of the people, and the other is the great simplicity of the Swedish jurisprudence.

The law, which was codified in the end of the last century, is contained, with the subsequent additions and amendments, in a couple of volumes of no great size. To them the peasant may apply his mind, and having found the law applicable to his circumstances, states it to the court. No difficulty is experienced in separating what is repealed from what remains intact, as the industry of Swedish jurists is exercised in the production of new editions of the code, showing the changes introduced in the law. Nor is the litigant driven to extract from the contradictory opinions of learned judges the rule which suits the facts, for precedents have no weight assigned to them. The Swedes, besides, are not litigious, and the questions arising for decision are rarely involved in much intricacy. A very perfect system of land registers, under the immediate supervision of the court, almost excludes that large class of cases which elsewhere arise in regard to its possession; and the commerce of the country has only of late years begun to assume those dimensions which are fruitful in disputed points. Still, the increased number and intricacy of the relations into which persons are brought by the rapid development of modern civilisation cannot but prove fatal to a system suited to a more simple state of society. Even as matters stand, people begin to find that the demands made on their time and attention will not allow of their appearance in court. The change has

already begun, for in those cases in which a mandatory appears for the party, the court allows him a small fee in the event of success, and in the larger towns men are to be found who make a trade of pleading cases for litigants. They do not, however, occupy any recognised position, nor do they necessarily pass through any legal training. As a rule, they are not regarded with favour from the great number of sharks who are said to be found in their ranks.

From the decisions of the Courts of First Instance, an appeal lies in every case to the appropriate Hofrätten, which consists of a president, judges, and legal assessors, the latter of whom are simply younger judges, with smaller salaries. The Courts of Appeal sit in private for the revisal of the judgments complained of, and are divided into sections for the greater despatch of business. Thus Göta-Hofrâtt is divided into five sections, each of which consists of two judges and three assessors, and to each section an equal number of appeals is assigned. In some few cases a larger number of judges are required to consider the points raised; but a section, which is in doubt regarding the disposal of an appeal, cannot call in the assistance of the others, though the members may privately get advice from their brother judges. Before these courts, neither the party nor anyone representing him is permitted to appear, and the public are not admitted to their sittings, the whole proceedings at which are kept secret. papers in the cases, with the report of the evidence and the judgment of the inferior court, are laid before the appellate judges, who give their decision in writing. The appellant may also put in a written statement of the grounds of his appeal. The expenses of an unsuccessful litigation, where there has been little or no evidence led, sometimes amounts, inclusive of the fee, to the successful party's mandatory, to not more

All the

Law can scarcely be rendered cheaper than this.

From the Hof-râtten, an appeal lies to the Högsta Domstol, a tribunal sitting in Stockholm, the proceedings of which are also private. It consists of twelve members, eight of whom must be present at the decision of important matters, but five, or four, if unanimous, are sufficient for the settlement of smaller cases. The King has the right of being present at its deliberations, and when present, has two votes in the determination of every question. To this tribunal points regarding the interpretation of the law may be referred by the inferior judges, and the royal votes upon them are to be counted, even when the King is not present in the court during the consideration of them.

The prosecution of criminals is entrusted to a Justitie Canzler, or Attorney-General, appointed by the King, who, in his turn, names Fiscals to act as his deputies throughout the country. He is also charged with the oversight of the judges, whose deviations from strict rectitude he is bound to notice. This latter duty is also committed by the Riksdag to an Ombudsman, whose right of surveillance extends to all the public offices, which he may enter at pleasure, and his demands for information must be at once complied with. He is entitled to be present at the sittings of all the Courts, though not to take any part in their proceedings. Further, once in three years, the Riksdag nominates a commission to take into consideration the state of the Högsta Domstol, and to report whether any, and if so, what judges ought to retire. No reasons need be alleged; and this mode of dismissal does not infer any turpitude or incapacity on the part of the retiring judges, who become thereupon entitled to pensions.

The Constitution also provides

High Court, for the trial of great public officials accused of malversa tion or other serious charges. If condemned, they may be pardoned by the King, but not to the effect of being reinstated in their offices.

At the beginning of this century bribery was by no means uncommon, and the imitation of French manners and morality, patronised by the Court during the reign of Gustavus III. had undermined the old Scandinavian virtues, and destroyed much of the public spirit of the nation. The venom of corruption is only expelled with difficulty; and though the character of the higher officials is now untainted, the provisions relating to a former state of things are retained.

The prerogative of mercy rests with the King, who is sometimes advised by the Högsta Domstol in his exercise of it. He may also mitigate the sentence; but the criminal has the option of rejecting the royal clemency, and insisting on the original sentence being carried out. An incident in the reign of Bernadotte affords a curious illustration of the working of this law. Captain Lindenberg, the editor of a newspaper, was refused a license for an additional theatre in Stockholm, which refusal he complained of, as illegal, to the Ombudsman appointed by the States of the Realm, and besides published his complaint in his newspaper. The Government prosecuted him, and strained the law, so as to make it appear a case of constructive treason, proceeding upon some half-forgotten and obsolete statutes. He was convicted and condemned to death; but the public indignation was so intense, that the Ministry felt themselves obliged to advise the King to mitigate the severity of the sentence, which was accordingly commuted to one of imprisonment for a short term of years. Captain Lindenberg, however, in

reliance on his legal rights, refused to accept of the mitigation, and insisted on being executed. To escape from the dilemma, the Government determined to celebrate the anniversary of the Landing of Bernadotte in Sweden, an event up to that date quite neglected, by the proclamation of an amnesty to all political prisoners, under which Lindenberg, the only representative of that class, was set at liberty. No sketch of the Swedish Constitution would be complete, without some allusion to the place occupied by the Church in its relations to the State which, though not so important as formerly, is still very influential in its official aspect. The country is divided into twelve bishoprics, among which that of Upsala holds the pre-eminence as the seat of an archbishopric, an office conferring upon its holder merely a titular supremacy. The archbishop presides in the Convocation of the clergy, and represents the Church on the occasion of great state ceremonials; in other respects, his position differs in nothing from that of the other bishops. The powers of the bishops in their respective dioceses, though not subject to control from the archbishop, are strictly limited, and the sanction of a consistory is required in all important matters. In order to reconcile the clergy to the loss of influence ensuing from the abolition of the House of the Clergy, a Convocation was instituted for the discussion of purely ecclesiastical questions, and is endowed with the right of vetoing any measure passed by the Riksdag, which may seem to them to be injurious to the Church. The income of the Church is derived partly from Church lands and partly from tithes, the latter of which in Old Sweden amount to an actual tenth of the produce, and are felt as a severe burden on the land;

but in Bohuslan and the adjacent provinces, which anciently did not belong to the Swedish Crown, the tithes are lighter. The Government, in the attempt to conciliate the inhabitants of the conquered districts, fixed the tithe, payable by each 'hemma' at a comparatively small sum in money, and certain annual dues of milk and butter. The glebes, farmed by the clergy themselves are often large, sometimes extending to several hundred acres, the care of which, of course, materially detracts from the time bestowed on the cure of souls committed to their charge. The patronage to vacant churches lies either with the parishioners, or with the Crown; the latter of which retains the right of nominating the bishops, but generally from a leet of three recommended by the clergy of the diocese. Since the abolition of the States of the Realm, the Church has been shorn of much of its former power; but as the Government continues to support it, its official influence is still extensive. The clergy lie under no disability so far as the right of election to either Chamber is concerned, and several of them have obtained seats in the Second Chamber, of which Archbishop Sundberg, a man of considerable abilities, and administrative talents, has been appointed President by the king. Though regarded with much indifference by the mass of the laity, no powerful party is animated by feelings of hostility towards the Church.

Such are the outlines of the civil and ecclesiastical polity of a country, which in former days played so important a part in the affairs of Europe; and whose customs and scenery still surround it with interest, and are every year attracting more and more Englishmen to visit its shores.

T.

SIN

INCE O'Connell's Repeal Movement which ended in the rebellion of 1848, it must be confessed that the course of events has been greatly in favour of England and the Union. The famine and emigration so thinned the population that there was no longer a surplus.' It ceased to be in excess of the demand for labour. The Church Establishment, the monument of conquest, and the irritating garrison of Protestant ascendency, has been abolished, while an effectual legal restraint has been put upon oppressive landlordism. Churchmen denounced and execrated Mr. Gladstone and the Parliament for the work of disestablishment, as a betrayal of trust, an abandonment of truth, a denial of God as the Ruler of Nations. Yet Mr. Galbraith, in his speech before the Corporation, stated emphatically and repeatedly, that if the question were then put to the vote, nineteen out of twenty of the Irish clergy would have voted that the Church should not be RE-established. Here, then, was a full confession that Mr. Gladstone's policy was sound-the best policy for the Church herself as well as for Protestantism. It conferred upon her the inestimable blessings of freedom and self-government, which she has turned to account with admirable wisdom. How strange that, in presence of these facts, men should have made the disestablishment a plea for the Repeal of the Union, and for rushing into the arms of Nationalists and Fenians! Protestants charged the advocates of the Pope's temporal power with conditional allegiance, and with making the interests of the Church paramount to the interests of the State. Yet they went and did likewise. Not the doctrines of the Church, be it recollected, nor its discipline, nor its

government, nor its spiritual prosperity-but its old political crust of secularity, its mere temporal power and wealth-its establishment were the things they preferred to the interest of the nation. Parliament had placed the majority of the Irish people on a footing of perfect equality with their Protestant fellow subjects, removing the greatest barrier to social progress, depriving disaffection of its vantage ground-and for that some clergy of the emancipated Church were ready to league themselves with the irreconcilable and fanatical enemies of British connection, in order to upset the Government. A few months ago Mr. Gladstone was in the estimation of Liberals incomparably the greatest benefactor of Ireland that ever ruled the destinies of the Empire. He is now groaned and hissed whenever his name is mentioned at Home Rule meetings, without a single grateful voice to cheer him. Such is popular justice in Ireland!

Mr. Butt, addressing a meeting at Birmingham, denounced all who questioned the fidelity of the Papal party to the national cause in union with Protestants, as fools and knaves.' A Fellow of the Dublin University, occupying a position far more independent, was weak enough to express himself in a similar manner. He said: 'If we had a Parliament in College Green there would be three Catholics in it to one Protestant. How often do I hear-Oh! we would be with you only for the fear we have of Catholic Ascendency. The day is gone by in the history of the world for religious wars founded on such pretension. Those who thought otherwise cast an aspersion on the character of Irish Catholics.'Now here, in common with every speaker, on the Home Rule side, he