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mortal one, to the policy he had always practised, to that policy which nothing characterises better than those three words, which have become in some sort the real motto of Austria : Divide et impera.'
•Politiquement parlant,' he writes 'to Apponyi on May 20, 1845—more than a year, therefore, after having recommended to him to read to Guizot his dispatch of April 19, 1844–
'on se repaît bien souvent de chimères à Paris ; et, à la tête de ces chimères, se trouve celle que la paix de l'Europe repose sur le gage de la Cordiale Entente entre la France et l'Angleterre. Ni l'une ni l'autre de ces Puissances n'est disposée en faveur de la paix par un sentiment d'amour réciproque ou par des sympathies individuelles, mais bien parce qu'elles ont un intérêt direct et évident à ne point se lancer dans la guerre. And he adds: 'Si Louis Philippe dit qu'il est pacifique, il dit vrai. S'il cherche dans cette disposition un mérite, tel qu'il peut s'en trouver aux actions libres et absolument volontaires, il fait du charlatanisme. Or, celui-ci ne nous touche pas. Nous continuons notre chemin sans tourner la tête. Comme nous suivons la ligne droite, ceux qui prennent une autre direction doivent nécessairement parfois se rencontrer avec nous et parfois nous croiser. Telle est la vérité historique, et, dès lors, la vraie vérité.'
Metternich, who had long ago forgotten the Secret Treaty of Defensive Alliance of Jan. 3, 1815, to which he had placed his signature by the side of those of Talleyrand and Castlereagh, did not stop at this. Some months later, on Oct. 26, 1845, in language of a vehemence which was rarely found flowing from his pen, under which he thought perhaps to conceal the fears that he could not succeed in shaking off, he gave free expression to the indignation to which this accursed Entente Cordiale inspired him.
"Si jamais,' he wrote, 'la vérité a été faussée avec impudence, c'est au moyen de la fantasmagorie qui se couvre du nom de Cordiale Entente. ... L'Entente Cordiale, pour pouvoir être définie, doit être saisie dans le sens de la peur que les deux Cabinets ont de tout ce qui dérangerait le mouvement industriel qui, de son côté, repose sur une base de rivalité entre les deux pays. Quelle sera la fin de ce leurre ? Je l'ignore, mais ce qui est dans la nature des choses devra arriver tôt ou tard, et la crise sera incalculable dans sa marche et ses résultats.
After reading these lines one might and even ought to ask oneself what kind of language Metternich would have used if he had not thought fit to affect, with regard to the Entente Cordiale, an indifference which almost amounted to disdain ? On the other hand, we cannot, I think, insist too much on the fact that already, towards the middle of last century, the most authoritative representative of that policy of domination, which was one day to become that of the Central Empires, perceived that the only real obstacle to the realisation of his programme lay in the establishment of the Entente Cordiale between France and England. In 1845, as we have seen, Metternich laboured to destroy it for the second time, and, as we know, in this he succeeded. In August 1914, Austria hurled herself upon Serbia, and Germany did not hesitate to violate the neutrality of Belgium and to throw down that frightful challenge to the civilised world because, taking up on their own account the words and the appreciations of the great stage-manager of the Congress of Vienna, these two Empires persisted in believing that l'Entente Cordiale n'est qu'une fantasmagorie,' and refused, in spite of all evidence, to admit of the existence and the solidity of the 'monstrueuse jonction between the United Kingdom and the French Republic. Metternich, as we have seen, foresaw the danger without succeeding in averting it. He could hardly have believed that he was speaking the truth when, in inditing his Mémoire autobiographique in 1852, he wrote: 'Je suis l'homme de ce qui était.'
I HAVE little doubt that most of your previous lecturers on Russia began by pointing out how little is known in this country about the subject. I also feel impelled to begin my lecture on Russian learning in rather the same way. I am sure that most of you know something about the wonderful achievements of Russia in literature-about Pushkin, Turgenieff, Dostoiefsky and Tolstoi. You have no doubt from time to time enjoyed the musical creations of great Russian composers, such as Glinka, Tchaikovsky, Mussorgsky, Borodin, Rimsky-Korsakoff, Glazunoff. Perhaps you have also seen reproductions of pictures by our most important painters, Repin, Vereshchagin, Seroff, Somoff, Bakst. I am, however, almost certain that few people in England are aware that the Russian nation is not only the creator of a great Art, but has also opened up a vast field of learning of world-wide importance, a learning which, though still in its youth, has revealed fresh horizons and enriched mankind with many precious gifts. Let me begin by acquainting you with the series of Institutes, where year after year systematic and indefatigable enquiries in the sphere of learning are being carried on. After this I will tell you briefly what results have thus been achieved in certain branches of knowledge. I will finish by citing statements made by one or two of your leading English authorities relative to some of our best Russian savants,
Russian learning grew up and developed in close conjunction with one of the most important but least known institutions of Peter the Great-the Russian Academy of Science. This Academy laid the foundation of systematic learned enquiry and created higher Russian education. It still remains the central point of the vast and complicated network of institutions having a purely scientific object. I will not speak of the history of the Academy of Science, for such a digression would take up too much time. I will confine myself to remarking that, after a number of years when the members were exclusively foreigners, chiefly Germans, the Academy
* Lecture delivered in the University of Manchester on April 25, 1919.
became purely Russian as regards its membership as well as its methods of learned work. Let me describe to you the constitution of the Academy. There are in it three departments: first, the department of Mathematics and Physics ; secondly, the department of Russian Language and Literature; and thirdly, the department of History and Philology. Each of these departments is divided into a series of chairs,' which are sometimes held jointly by several specialists. These chairs' form groups called divisions, e.g. that of Oriental Language and Literature, that of Classical Philology and Archæology, that of History, etc.
All the members of the Academy are employed by the State, receive salaries, and devote themselves to learned work. Several of them are at the head of some learned Institution or other, itself concerned with similar learned work. Many of these institutions have a worldwide reputation; for instance, the famous Observatory of Petrograd in Pulkovo; the Meteorological Institute, combined with a seismological Institute having many branches in the country; a splendid Zoological and Palæontological Museum, one of the best in the world; a Museum of Ethnography and Anthropology; an Asiatic Museum containing a unique collection of Oriental MSS., etc., etc. You may judge of the productiveness
, of the Academy by the number of its publications. It would weary you were I to enumerate the titles of the periodical and other publications issued by it. I will merely point out that the Academy has the exclusive use of a large printing-house which employs some hundreds of workmen ; but even this establishment is unable to deal with the whole of the material supplied by the members. All the contributions and books printed by the Academy are subjected to a'vigorous censorship by the Academy itself, which determines their scientific value; and they are only printed after they have been accepted at the General Meeting of the Department.
Nor is the work of the eleven Universities of Russia (Moscow, Petrograd, Kazan, Kieff, Odessa, Harkoff, Perm, Saratof, Tomsk, Warsaw (now Voronezh), Jurieff (Dorpat)) less productive. As regards their constitution, these universities most closely resemble the German model, but they have their own peculiarities which are chiefly due to their local position and their history. The General Boards of Professors which govern the universities do their best not only to transmit knowledge to the students, but also to make the universities so many laboratories in which learned enquiry can be pursued. The academic qualifications demanded of a professor are of a more stringent nature than is customary in Western Europe or in America. On leaving the University, every candidate for a professorship is obliged to pass a severe and complicated examination in his special subject. He is further obliged to write, print and defend two original learned theses at a public meeting of his faculty. He thus becomes possessed, one after the other, of the degrees of Master and Doctor. The standard demanded in these theses becomes higher every year. Only Doctors of the corresponding branches are entitled to Chairs in the University. It is the aim of the University to create as many learned workers as possible. The most capable students remain attached to the University in some permanent way. They receive bursaries and are sent abroad so that they may embark upon original work of their own. Every attempt is made to secure the best possible libraries, laboratories and clinics in every university. Excellent work is done in the medical faculties. The Institute of Experimental Medicine in Petrograd, the Military Medical Academy in the same city, the clinics of Moscow and Odessa, have always been, and are now, true seminaries of scientific knowledge. Good work is done in the fostering of scholarship among the students by the so-called Seminaria,' which possess special libraries. In each seminary the students form a group round the professor, and are engaged on advanced studies.
The line of development which characterises the universities hitherto open to men only is also to be observed in the courses of higher study open to women. Although of no very ancient standing--the oldest of them, that of Moscow, being only 150 years old—these universities have been no less active in the solving of learned problems than has been the Academy itself. To these universities we are indebted not only for a series of wonderful discoveries, but also for the deepening and broadening of our knowledge of Russia itself. We also