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wireless telegraphy, is exact and Empire. The Government may conrapid. As the First Lord of the Ad- clude, on the highest expert authority, miralty recently pointed out, if the that the heart of the Empire is safe Imperial Squadron happened to be at from an invader, and yet leave the Gibraltar instead of at one of the Do- Dominions still assailed by fears as to minion ports when war in some dis- their position in case of attack. It is tant part of the Empire threatened- not nervousness of invasion on the and every war is preceded by a period part of some sections of the people of of warning and of tension—the ships the British Isles which is shaping the could reach Halifax in five days, Que- future of the Empire, but the feelings bec in six, Jamaica in nine, the South of the "white" Dominions oversea. American coast in twelve, Cape Town This is the aspect of Imperialism in thirteen, Sydney in twenty-eight, which is being ignored, but it is the New Zealand in thirty-two, and Van- aspect which is determining the couver in twenty-three. In other words, thought of the oversea States and this squadron, even if it happened to fashioning their policy; yet British be at Gibraltar when peril to British statesmen remain dumb. Columbia became possible, could be on The time is over-passed for a conferthe scene sooner than a Japanese ence between British Ministers and squadron, and would probably reach their naval and military experts on any port in the Pacific before any other the one hand, and the responsible country could organize and dispatch a statesmen of the Dominions on the considerable naval force; indications of other. All the politicians of the Empire any such action would be reported to must strive to see the Empire whole as the Admiralty in ample time for it is to-day, and as it will be in the effective aid to be sent.

future, or that Empire must inevitably The growing peril to Imperial unity cease to exist. Frequent consultation arises from the fact that Downing is essential to this end. Street is endeavoring to ignore the ex- On unity of action between the istence of Imperial problems. It is oversea nations and the Mother Counnot sufficient to pooh-pooh the fears of try depends their future and ours. these white peoples and to point to the British statesmen lost one empire by a Anglo-Japanese Alliance and the con- disregard of their responsibilities, and trol of the British Government over In- we may easily lose another from the dian emigration. British Ministers owe same cause. We are approaching the it to themselves and to the Empire to parting of the ways. If the British endeavor to study the problems Empire is not to be run on the shoals, of the Empire from every point British politicians must realize that we of view. They are not ful- are at the beginning of a new age, filling the whole purpose of British when great decisions must be taken statesmanship when they appoint a fearlessly. Either we must work for a Sub-Committee of the Committee of Greater Britain, which will be the Imperial Defence to consider the pos- most potent instrument for good in the sibility of the British Isles being in- spread of civilization, or we must be vaded by 5,000, 10,000, or even 70,000 prepared for the inevitable alternative. men. The problem which transcends If we stand selfishly aside, absorbed in all other problems is whether it is pos- our own and Europe's affairs and alsible for an enemy to invade and com- lowing the stream of Imperial sentimand the sea frontiers which link ment to sweep past us, the British together the various sections of the Isles must become an insignificant

Own

factor in European affairs and of no represent; there is no understanding of account in world affairs. The pressure the negation of true strategic princiof population and of wealth in Europe ples involved. There is, however, a must drive us into obscurity if we growing appreciation of danger, and stand apart from our young and vigor- these scattered peoples are therefore ous partners, and by ignoring their co-operating for their

safety, problems force them to adopt a cen- thrusting on one side all the strategical trifugal policy.

lore which history has consecrated and The cement of the British Empire which British naval officers to-day must be mutual trade and co-operation hold as fundamental to Imperial safety. in defence. Other countries have It is no long step from an Empire plumbed the secret of our greatness; within an Empire to a cleavage into they recognize the meaning of Ra- two empires. This might well be the leigh's declaration: “Whosoever com- work of a moment-the result of some mands the sea commands the trade of sudden ebullition of feeling. It is not the world; whosoever commands the a development which we need fear totrade of the world commands the day when the white peoples of the riches of the world and consequently Pacific are few and scattered and dethe world itself." This truth, and not pendent upon us for the money rethe suggested influence of devilish quired for development purposes, but politicians or hungry armament firms, the time is not far distant when they is responsible for the competition in will be many and united by powerful Dreadnoughts. The struggle of the mutual interests. future is for markets, and, without We, in the Mother Country, have a power on the sea, markets cannot be reasonable defence for the Anglo-Japreached and held. The younger na- anese alliance, and for the present distions comprehend that every Imperial position of the Fleet. But nothing is interest depends upon sea command. said by our statesmen in explanation

These small nations of to-day are the or in defence. Why? It is apparently great nations of to-morrow; they are thought to be indelicate to explain already the best customers for our these matters to the Dominions, and so manufactured goods. They know that the cleavage increases. The fact is their future is on the sea, and they that Japan, realizing that she is weak watch with fascinated fear every de- and that she will continue to be weak, velopment which threatens their sea has "pooled” her liabilities by a treaty communications.

with the greatest naval Power of the Unless British statesmanship makes world; we, on our part, determined to some move, the next stage in Imperial hold what we have, have increased the development may prove to be the con- margin of our safety by entering into solidation of an Empire within the a defensive arrangement with Japan. greater Empire. Already leading poli- This treaty is not so much in the interticians in New Zealand, Australia, and est of the people of the British Isles as Canada are in consultation with a in the interest of the peoples of the far view to yet closer trade relations and Dominions. It eases the path of dijoint naval defence measures in the plomacy in discussing racial problems, Pacific. There is no idea of disloyalty and it is impossible to see why this to the Imperial ideal in these local truth should not be boldly and officially navies; there is no recognition of the stated in order that the inhabitants of waste in men and money which the British Columbia, Australia, and New attainment of the measures proposed Zealand may understand what they

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gain by a treaty, supported by an all- allowed to proceed to the end of the powerful British Fleet, which will pre- street to extinguish a fire threatening serve the peace more securely than any to extend eventually to the householdlocal navies which they, in their essen- er's own dwelling." Maritime defence tial weakness, can hope to create. Nor should not begin at home, but on the is there surely any reason why it probable enemy's sea frontier. The should not be boldly and fearlessly localization of naval defence is a peril stated that if the ally of to-day should to every Dominion interest, because if become the enemy of to-morrow, be- these small communities, who fore such a development can occur the weak, adopt this policy, there is a present dispositions of the Fleet will danger that the British taxpayer, who be altered.

pays £46,000,000 for the Navy, will Not only the inhabitants of the Do- copy it. As matters are, and have alminions, but a good many persons in ways been, the Admiralty distribute the United Kingdom, do not yet real- the fleet which is the Empire's shield ize what sea-power means. As Admiral so that it may most readily defeat the Sir Cyprian Bridge has remarked, the Empire's probable enemy, without condemand that ships be so stationed that sulting the interested views of this or they will generally, and except when that community. During the whole of actually cruising will, be within sight the nineteenth century the main guard of the inhabitants of a country is com- of every Imperial interest cruised 2,000 mon enough: "nothing justifies it ex- or 3,000 miles from the British Isles cept the honest ignorance of those who and their inhabitants acquiesced; it make it; nothing explains compliance may be that events will be so shaped with it but the deplorable weakness of that strategy will require great British authorities who yield to it.” It was squadrons to be sent into the Pacific to not, as this officer records, by hanging the depletion of European waters. If about the coast of England, when there such an eventuality occurs, the inhabwas no enemy near it, with his fleet, itants of the United Kingdom will that Hawke or Nelson saved the coun- readily agree to such a movement try from invasion. And he adds as a unless, under the tuition of Colonial former commander-in-chief of the Aus- statesmen like Sir Wilfrid Laurier, tralian station, that "the conditions they have come to hold the selfish and insisted upon by the Australian Gov- anti-Imperial doctrine that "defence, ernments in the agreement formerly like charity, begins at home." made with the Home Government, Our present Imperial policy is, of that a certain number of ships, in re- course, the negation of Sir Wilfrid turn for an annual contribution of Laurier's declaration. The

whole money, should always remain in Aus- foundation of the Empire and its futralian waters, was in reality greatly ture rests on the denial of such a against the interests of that part of fallacy, which if once adopted by the the Empire. The Australian taxpayer British taxpayer would leave the was, in fact, made to insist upon being scattered peoples of the Dominions injured in return for his money. The oversea at the mercy of the first enemy proceeding would have been exactly which cast envious eyes on their acparalleled by a householder who might cumulating wealth. insist that a fire engine, maintained The hour has struck for Imperial out of rates to which he contributes, Ministers to deal with the new and should always be kept within a few menacing conditions which are develfeet of his front door, and not be oping in the Pacific, and to prove to these defenders of an "all-white" policy that they have our active sympathy and support, within the limits of our Imperial responsibilities, and that their only hope of salvation in the

The Fortnightly Revie

years ahead lies in the strength and good offices of one Empire united in allegiance to one King and defended by the might of one ubiquitous Fleet of commanding strength.

Archibald Hurd.

AMERICAN AFFAIRS.

On the results of the session of Con- Whether the full amount of the duty gress that began on April 7 will rest is added to the cost to the consumer the fate of the Democratic party for is the controversy that has always many years to come. President Wil- raged between the Protectionist and son called Congress in extraordinary the Free Trader. Take a single artisession primarily to revise the tariff. cle as a concrete illustration. Some of That was a mandate from the country. the ardent tariff reductionists have The high cost of living was one of the advocated free wool on the ground great issues in the last campaign, and that wool is an article of prime necesthe Democrats pledged themselves sity, that the poor man can no more if given the power they would so re- live in comfort without wool in some duce duties on the necessaries of life of its forms than the rich man, that that expenses would be measurably the duties are excessive, and that their decreased. The people took them at burden presses heaviest upon the poor their word. A Democratic President man. In this country a very fair suit and a Democratic majority in both of clothes can be bought ready made Houses of Congress now must either for twenty-five dollars. That is the niake their promise good or else admit price the middle-class man pays, not thes were insincere.

the working man as a rule, or the man The attempt is to be made. What- to whom a few dollars more or less ever the outcome they cannot be ac- make no difference, but men of modcused of insincerity or not endeavor- erate means who buy one suit a seaing loyally to live up to their bargain. son. A twenty-five dollar suit in the Under the direction of Representative United States bought over the counter Underwood, the Ways and Means in a large shop is not as good in maCommittee, of which he is the com- terial or workmanship as the equivapetent chairman, has drafted a Bill to lent five pound suit made to order by supersede the existing Payne-Aldrich a reputable tailor in England; it will law, and President Wilson has been not last as long nor will it keep its freely consulted by Mr. Underwood shape or look as smart in a few and his associates so that there may months; but that is what the average be complete accord between Congress middle-class American wears and must and the President. The Bill now un- be satisfied with. In such a suit there der consideration makes heavy reduc- is about nine and a half pounds of tions in nearly every schedule, and wool, and on this the present duty is greatly enlarges the free list, but a dollar and five cents, say roughly a whether the public will gain to the ex. fraction over four shillings. If the tent it has believed would follow the duty were abated and the consumer repeal of high protection, remains to obtained the full benefit he would be be seen.

the better off by four shillings; that is, instead of paying as now the cus- the aggregate, reductions of fifty cents tomary twenty-five dollars, he would or a dollar even on millions of suits of pay twenty-four dollars. This of clothes and millions of other things course assumes that the manufacturer are stupendous and imposing; distribof clothing, the wholesale merchant uted among the millions the individual and the retailer, would give the full saving is so beggarly that it will exbenefit of the saving to the consumer, cite oply derision. We have already which is not likely. He might profit been given one instance of this sort by a part of it, but not the whole. of tariff reduction. For years the The maximum saving by free wool Massachusetts manufacturers had been would be a dollar, and in all probabil- clamoring for free hides on the ground ity half of that would be absorbed in that the only beneficiary of the duty the intermediate processes of manufac- was the “Leather Trust," and the pubturing and marketing, so that the con- lic was robbed by the duty. Yielding sumer's net gain would be fifty cents, to the popular demand the framers of or 2 per cent. on the cost of the con- the Payne-Aldrich law put hides on ventional twenty-five dollar suit of the free list, but the public gained clothes. The saving would be so tri- nothing. Immediately following the fling that it would mean nothing. passage of the law certain grades of

This saving of two shillings on a cheaper boots were advanced in price, five pound suit of clothes is at the and I do not find that any one pays expense of the American wool-grower, less for his footwear now than forand while the consumer would save merly. The manufacturers, however, nothing, or so little that it would prac- are probably better off by being able tically be nothing, the wool-grower, to buy cheaper leather. This is one deprived of his protective duty, would of the problems that confronts the be injured, some people assert he Democrats. If they could reduce the would be ruined; for the American twenty-five dollar suit of clothes to manufacturer would buy foreign wool fifteen dollars, the reduction would be in preference to domestic if he could great enough to convince every wearer obtain it at the same price. The of the wisdom of the Democratic polgrowing of wool by the American far- icy, until he had to pay the bill, and mer is an important industry and then he might have doubts as to its gives employment to thousands of wisdom. Not the farmer alone, but men; it means a great difference to the manufacturer and the working the farmer whether his flock has a man and the man who buys the suit value simply as meat or as meat with of clothes would be, I believe, the sufthe fleece as a by-product. To the ferers. What the Democrats have statesman making up the national promised is a reduction in the prices balance sheet it would seem that he of commodities without any reduction would consider long and carefully be- in wages, seemingly an impossibility fore writing down a saving of two when we remember that high prices in shillings on a five pound suit of clothes America are one of the results of high as a fair set-off to the ruin of a great wages, and high wages are possible industry which is as old almost as because commodity prices are high. creation, but to the free trade econo- If the Democrats are able to reduce mist cheapness is the sole proof of prices and leave wages untouched, wisdom.

every one will be satisfied, and their But the cost of living reduced by 2 attempt to do this will be watched per cent. will satisfy no one. Taken in with the keenest interest.

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