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The effect of the new tariff means a great deal to the welfare and prosperity of the country and everything to the Democrats. It is twenty years since the last Democratic tariff was placed on the statute books, and what followed is still bitterly remembered. Opinions differ as to whether the disastrous times that were the sequel of that Bill were the consequence of that legislation or were due to other causes, and as it is a question that cannot be satisfactorily determined it is not necessary for me to attempt to ascertain the truth. But if again the same thing should happen, if the passage of the Democratic tariff law brings about a panic, or cuts down employment or diminishes wages, that I will be the last of Democratic tariff revision for a great many years to come. The people were persuaded to allow the Democrats to try the experiment because of the belief that it could be done successfully, and they were in a mood to believe that on the tariff could be piled all the evils of which they complained, but the American people, I am convinced, are not content to buy cheap prices at the cost of low wages. They want things cheap and wages high, and we shall see whether it is possible for the Democrats to work the economic miracle.

What effect the new tariff will have on British exports it is as yet too early to be able to determine, but seemingly it should stimulate them and provide a larger market for textiles, both cotton and wool. Some of the American manufacturers of those articles are pessimistic and see only ruin facing them; domestic industries, they say, are to be sacrificed for the benefit of the foreigner; the Bill is really in the interest of Europe and Americans will have to pay the bill. It is expected that the new law will not go into effect until late in summer, so that full opportunity will be afLIVING AGE VOL. LIX. 3122

forded while the debate is in progress in both Houses for all the facts to be brought out and the dangers, if they are real, to be exposed. The President and his supporters in Congress hope that the Bill will not be amended in any substantial particular, and while it will probably pass the House in the form in which it was introduced, its passage through the Senate will encounter greater opposition. One thing is made apparent by the Bill and that is the wisdom of Mr. Borden and his Party in rejecting the Taft offer of reciprocity. What Canada would have been forced to buy at a heavy price is now hers for nothing, and if reciprocity is as greatly for the benefit of Canada as it was proclaimed to be she will secure all the advantage without having delivered herself bound to the United States and imperilled her economic independence.

Mr. Wilson has been in office too short a time to prognosticate his future, but long enough to give a very clear idea of his motives, his methods and his mentality. In a few weeks he has made a profound impression upon the country, for here is a new kind of President, a man who comes to the Presidency with a different concept of his duties, his responsibilities and his privileges from his predecessors, who has brought a new atmosphere into the White House. According to popular opinion-the least reliable and the most fleeting of judgments, and almost invariably wrong-with the accession of Mr. Roosevelt to the Presidency there began a new era in American politics. For the sake of convenience public opinion in this case may be regarded as correct. Mr. Roosevelt set the pace. He defied traditions and established precedents of his own. He loved the spectacular. He made the Presidency dominant in American politics. His attempt was to make Congress subservient to the

President, but he had neither tact to be a successful diplomat nor sufficient "stick" to map out a programme or policy and adhere to it against all allurements or opposition. His mind was too vivid; it could be too easily distracted. Typical of this is the way be evaded tariff revision. He came into the White House determined to revise the tariff and believing that the people insisted upon it. Economics

were neither in Mr. Roosevelt's line nor did they make a powerful appeal; schedules were fleshless and bloodless things; while social questions pulsed with humanity. But the tariff was a burning question and he felt he must take it up. The Republican leaders, Senator Aldrich, Speaker Cannon and the rest of them, persuaded him that it was bad policy and the wisest thing was to leave the tariff alone, and he yielded to their persuasion. This does not reflect upon Mr. Roosevelt's courage, although it may be a reflection upon his judgment; it does show, however, that he was amenable to argument and was willing to subordinate his will to the advice of men who had their own purpose to serve.

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Mr. Taft belonged to the past rather than the new era. Coming after Mr. Roosevelt it was expected that he would continue not only the Roosevelt "policies"-policies that were never defined or concretely expressed reduced to a practical working basisbut also the Roosevelt methods, which he could not do because of temperamental idiosyncrasies. Mr. Roosevelt believed in the autocracy of the Presidency, Mr. Taft did not. Mr. Roosevelt believed that Congress must do what the President directed, and if it did not Congress could be coerced; Mr. Taft respected the independence of Congress, but insisted upon the President maintaining his own independence and resisting the attempted co

ercion of Congress. Mr. Roosevelt held that an executive officer might do anything that the law did not expressly forbid; Mr. Taft was governed by the principle that an executive officer might do only those things for which there was express sanction in law. Mr. Roosevelt delighted in the unusual and nothing gave him greater pleasure than to do things that would make him talked about; Mr. Taft had no love of the theatrical, and was indifferent to public approval not founded on solid achievement.

Now comes Mr. Wilson, who comes at a time when the people want neither a second Roosevelt nor a second Taft, but want a combination of both with an added element. What that element is they are unable to define, but they know it must be there if the administration is to realize expectations and be a success. Perhaps the ordinary man in his rough and ready way of reaching a conclusion without going through the laborious intermediate process of scientific analysis would say: "Mr. Roosevelt tried to do too much and did too little, and Mr. Taft was content not to attempt too much and did not enough." That perhaps is as near as the ordinary man could express himself. It was characteristic of Mr. Roosevelt that he enjoyed "stirring things up," and that at first was amusing, but later the people were surfeited with excitement and longed for a quieter life. Mr. Taft, on the other hand, kept the pool stagnant or the people got the impression that he did, which amounts to the same thing in the end-and then they. wanted fresh excitement.

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but no apprehension has been caused. It is not so much what a man does as the way he does it that makes a thing either sensational or only part of the day's work. Twenty-four hours after Mr. Wilson had been in the White House, a custom that was coeval with the Republic had been thrown into the scrap heap. Day after day, for weary weeks and months, the newly inaugurated President was compelled hour after hour to listen to the demands and pleas for office. A greater part of his time was taken up in listening to senators and representatives who wanted this man appointed to some petty place or who opposed his appointment and presented the name of a rival; to receiving delegations who urged candidates or had reasons to give why their names should not receive consideration; to reading letters and memorials, all either urging appointments or vehemently protesting No President pretended he enjoyed this, but he did not see how he could escape it. It was the price he paid for office. Men must be appointed, and only the President could decide their claims. Time and energy that should have been reserved for serious matters of state were dissipated because the President must decide whether this man or that should be postmaster at some insignificant place. Presidents grew restive and physically and mentally suffered (the elder Harrison died a month after reaching the White House, his system broken down by the importunities of the office seekers), but no President had the courage or the wisdom to see that the relief was in his own hands.

Mr. Wilson simply notified the office seekers and their patrons that he would give no time to them, and that it would be useless for them to come to the White House. They must make their applications to the members of the Cabinet under whom they hoped

to serve, and in turn the Cabinet would make their recommendations to the President, who, of course, would be the final arbiter. Naturally the office seekers were stunned and indignant-what was the use of having won a glorious victory if they were not to be the beneficiaries of the spoils?-and the country was somewhat amazed, but it found cynical enjoyment in the discomfiture of the place-hunting brigade and enthusiastically approved the President's good sense. One reason perhaps why the country acquiesced in Mr. Wilson's action was the manner in which it was done. It is the habit of nearly all American public men to send up trial balloons to test public sentiment before irrevocably committing themselves, and they put out "feelers" through the newspapers, which enables them to fight or flee as wisdom may dictate. This is a mistake. The more a thing is discussed the more reasons can be found for criticism and the dangers of attempting it; when it becomes an accomplished fact discussion ceases because it is a waste of time to flog a dead horse. Had Mr. Wilson given a hint of what he proposed to do, doubtless the newspapers would have offered him much valueless advice and some of the party leaders would have feared the consequences and warned him not to risk antagonizing the rank and file thus early. Mr. Wilson said nothing. official announcement was all that he considered necessary.

His

This gives an insight into his character. It reveals at once the qualities of courage, decision, and quick comprehension; it shows him a man so confident of himself that he need not care whether everything he does meets public approval or arouses hostility. After having issued his order the President did not think it required to be explained; neither directly nor

through the convenient medium of unofficial "friends" did he give his reasons or seek to exploit his reform. Having in a quite unemotional way done what he knew to be requisite, he turned to other matters, and the public took it as a matter of course that the President had a more profitable use for his time than to waste it by listening to the appeals of office seekers.

One might gather from this that President Wilson is a secretive man who keeps himself aloof from the people. Before he was inaugurated he announced his door would stand open, and anyone who had legitimate business would not find it difficult to reach him, and the newspapers waxed facetious as they pictured the great American public, which is not noted for its reticence or effacement, strolling into the President's room, making itself quite at home, interrupting a Cabinet Council or a Conference with an Ambassador. Mr. Wilson, the newspapers said, meant well, but he would modify his ideas of conducting the Government after reaching Washington.

Even the most exclusive Presidents have been easy of access as compared with the European ruler or a high functionary hedged about by doors and guards. It has not been difficult for anyone having business with the President to see him; the casual visitor who merely desired to "pay his respects" found the way reasonably open. Naturally not every one could walk in on the President unannounced, and his secretaries tried to save him as much as possible, but Mr. Wilson, since he has been in the White House, has lived up to his pre-inauguration declaration. There was never a time when there has been so little formality at the White House, or when its occupant could be so readily reached, and curiously enough this privilege

has facilitated the transaction of business and thus far led to no abuse.

The President's visitors are sifted through his Secretary, who makes the President's engagements and watches the list to see they are kept and no person overstays his allotted time. Many persons who would like to see the President must go away disappointed; he is either too busy to see them at the time or the Secretary can dispose of them without troubling the President, but the limit is stretched to the utmost, and the President is very good about receiving visitors.

Prior to the present régime, when one wanted to see the Secretary to the President (which is the official title) a card was sent to him through his doorkeeper. The Secretary to the President occupies an important and unique position; he combines the functions of the King's private secretary with those of the principal private secretary of the Prime Minister and his parliamentary secretary; and ranks almost with a member of the Cabinet, and, in a way, is of more consequence than some of the Cabinet posts. The President must trust implicitly not only in his Secretary's loyalty but in his tact, judgment, and discretion, for no matter how devoted he may be to the President's interests, if he has not tact, judgment, and discretion he can do the President incredible harm, as more than one President has discovered to his cost by having selected the wrong man. The relation between the President and members of the Cabinet is seldom as close as that between him and his Secretary when the proper relation exists: a member of the Cabinet may know only the work of his own department unless some matter relating to another department causes it to become a cabinet question or a matter of policy is to be discussed; the Secretary has his finger on every depart

ment, as all communications between the heads of departments and the President pass through the hands of the Secretary. Incidentally it may be added that two Secretaries in my time became Cabinet Ministers. Mr. Lamont was Mr. Cleveland's Secretary in his first administration, and in his second was his Secretary of War. Mr. Cortelyou was appointed by Mr. McKinley his Secretary, and was made by Mr. Roosevelt Secretary of Commerce and Labor, then PastmasterGeneral and then Secretary of the Treasury. Curiously enough, Mr. Cortelyou, as I now recall, is the only American to have held three portfolios under the same President.

The Secretary to the President is naturally a very busy man and his time is fully occupied during his official hours. His principal callers are politicians, who come to consult the President about legislation or party matters and to make suggestions or ask for his advice, and newspaper men seeking information. Of the latter there are some two hundred regularly accredited and representing American newspapers in all parts of the country, the Press agencies, and a few foreign newspapers. The entire corps of correspondents does not go to the White House every day, for many of its members specialize, but a large number make a daily call, as it is necessary for the correspondents to keep in close touch with the President through his Secretary, especially if they represent newspapers of his political faith. When President Wilson was Governor of New Jersey his attention was attracted to a keen, alert young lawyer, a member of the legislature, who had fearlessly opposed certain vicious legislation and with much force and earnestness championed legislation that was in the public interest. This young lawyer, Mr. Joseph P. Tumulty, acted as Governor Wilson's Secretary

prior to his nomination and after his election, and the President was so well satisfied with his ability that he offered him the Secretaryship. After being in Washington only a few days Mr. Tumulty took a step as radical as that of his chief in refusing to see office seekers. There was no reason, he said, why members of the Press should have to send their cards to him or make an appointment, his door would always be open to them, and all they had to do was to walk in.

To a foreigner familiar with the European formality of approaching officialdom, this seemed too democratic to be dignified, and a great many Americans, those especially with a long Washington experience, were certain that after the open door policy had been tried for a week or two it would be abandoned, as Mr. Tumulty's entire time would be taken up in seeing pressmen, and he would have no opportunity to attend to anything else. So far the experiment has worked admirably. Knowing that the door is open to them, men do not pass through it unless they have a legitimate errand, and Mr. Tumulty has a happy faculty for disposing of would-be lingering callers without giving offence. Instead of the Secretary's office being crowded, as it used to be, now there are only a few persons, who in turn are received by the Secretary or taken to the President.

A short passage connects the Secretary's office with the President's. The doors between the two rooms are kept open, and standing in the Secretary's office one can look into the President's room, but the President's desk is so placed that when he is sitting at it he cannot be seen. Frequently, however, during the course of the morning the President gets up from his desk and moves about the room, and this he does when he wants to bring an interview to a close. The average per

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