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The concession by Colombia to a granted the Secretary was a doomed Frenchman, the formation of a French man. Colombia obdurately refused to company, the starting of the work, ratify the Hay-Herran Treaty, which

received unfavorably in the would have enabled the United States United States. The collapse of the to buy the concession. The interview French company offered a golden op- is thus described: portunity to acquire the concession “Together we deplored the blindness and the works. The Clayton-Bulwer of Colombia. Treaty, however, stood in the way; "When all counsels of prudence and Colombia's rights mattered nothing; friendship have been made in vain,” I no sane nation hesitates where there said, "there comes a moment when are no big battalions.

one has to stand still and await The "resurrection” tells how the events." "These events,” he asked, United States Government under M. "what do you think they will be?” Bunau-Varilla's guidance and inspira- “I expressed my sentiments on the tion “did the needful" for the success subject some days ago to Mr. Rooseof a bloodless revolution in Panama, velt," I replied. “The whole thing will the formation of a new Republic and end in a revolution. You must take its recognition by the Powers; it also your measures, if you do not want to tells of the signing by M. Bunau- be taken yourself by surprise." Varilla, turned Envoy Extraordinary “Yes," said Mr. Hay. "That is unand Minister Plenipotentiary, of the fortunately the most probable hytreaty granting the transfer of the pothesis, but we shall not be 'caught canal concession to the United States, napping.'" as well as the required political juris- Before closing the interview an diction over the canal zone and en- illuminating and touching incident abling them to pay the stipulated price occurred: of forty million dollars to the Canal "I have just finished reading," said Company and to prepare the ground Mr. Hay, “a charming novel, 'Captain for an abundant crop of surprises, Macklin.' It is the history of a West some of them "shockers" which have

Point cadet who leaves the Military begun to crystallize, such the Academy to become a soldier of forPanama Act regulating the tolls, tune in Central America. He enlists against which Great Britain has pro- under the orders of a General, a tested, and the construction of forti- former officer of the French Army, fications—forbidden in the Clayton- who commands a revolutionary army Bulwer Treaty-for which the first in Honduras. The young ambitious few millions have been voted by the American and the old French officer American Congress.

are both charming types of searchers One incident out of many should after the ideal. Read this volume; suffice to show the supple and irre take it with you,” concluded Mr. Hay. sistible action of M. Bunau-Varilla, "It will interest you." verging on hypnotism, in furtherance “I read 'Captain M klin' with an of his plans. He had "conceived the interest which may be easily imagined. complete plan for the Panama revolu- ... I could not help thinking that tion"; the plan had to be carried out Mr. Hay, in giving me this volume, had by the United States. M. Bunau- meant to make subtle allusion to my l'arilla trained his mental artillery own efforts in the cause of justice and upon Secretary of State Hay; from

progress. Did he not wish to tell me the moment that the interview was symbolically that he had understood

as

that the revolution in preparation for their men-folk who were not vicarithe victory of the Idea was taking ously heroic nor indulged in cant of shape under my direction ?"

search for Truth or of the Ideal, but And so on and so on. Thus did Sec- in pillage pure and simple. retary Hay take his orders, which Mr. Roosevelt claims that Colomachieved the revolution under the bia's rejection of the Hay-Herran direction of M. Bunau-Varilla, who in Treaty forced him to “take the Isthhis turn was serving Justice, Progress, mus." The treaty expressly stated the Idea, and, naturally, Truth and that it required congressional approval France. All this involved, from the in Colombia, which naturally meant point of view of Mr. Hay's Govern- that the possibility of rejection had ment, the flagrant violation of the been accepted. To argue that the renation's solemnly pledged word.

jection justified violence is to proclaim It is said that Renan, lecturing once the doctrine of "heads I win and tails on Nero at the Collége de France, be- you lose," immoral and dishonest, fore closing, added, as in mitigation of whether practised by individuals or by any undue severity of judgment: nations. "Mais ce pauyre jeune homme était Both Mr. Roosevelt and M. Bunaunourri d'une si mauvaise littérature." Varilla maintain that without the In the case of Secretary Hay, and per- "taking of Panama" by the United haps of M. Bunau-Varilla, mercy States the canal would have been lost. should temper the judgment of his- Idle excuse. What really was in tory. A diet of penny dreadfuls (or danger was the combination by which dime novels, as they are called in the forty million dollars could find America) and Presidential messages, their way into certain hands. such flourished at that time, In his eager search for truth, in the cannot but engender disaster and con- service of France, M. Bunau-Varilla fusion.

may have overlooked this fact. His M. Bunau-Varilla set to work; he own testimony, however, establishes wrote minute instructions for the im- beyond doubt the pecuniary significamediate outburst of the revolution; he tion of the revolution at Panama; prepared the cables to be sent an- surely neither he nor Mr. Roosevelt nouncing the glorious birth of the new held any shares in the enterprise for nation; he wrote the stirring proclama- that would qualify adversely the tion of independence and the constitu- single-mindedness of their purpose. On tion of the new Republic; having page 325 of his book M. Bunaulabelled and numbered all these docu- Varilla writes: “A revolutionary move. ments to avoid mistakes, he de- ment ending successfully would necesspatched his emissary to the Isthmus. sarily about treble the quotation in That was not all. He tells us “Ma- these securities" (the Panama securidame Bunau-Varilla remained in her ties). room in the greatest secrecy the whole The canal is not yet made; ugly day, making the flag of liberation." rumors of landslides and fears of vol

Even so, in olden days the flags and canic disturbances are frequently cirpennants of the Norsemen in their culated. The disinterested dreamers piratical expeditions were embroidered and idealists like Mr. Roosevelt and by matrons and golden-haired maidens, M. Bunau-Varilla are still waiting for in the seclusion of their castles; they the advent of reality; but the three listened whilst they worked to the hundred per cent was pocketed long songs which told of the exploits of ago, and doubtless ere this has flour

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ished and fructified in similar enterprises, perhaps in Madagascar, in Tripoli or in Morocco.

The blunder of Great Britain in consenting to the abrogation of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty is taking a sinister

The Saturday Review.

appearance now that the Panama Act has been ratified by the American Congress and the money for the fortifications has been voted. Lord Lansdowne's pusillanimity is coming home to roost.

M. POINCARÉ AND THE TRIPLE ENTENTE.

The State visit of M. Poincaré to any reason to doubt this. But the inEngland happened at a time when it cident at Agadir had given birth to was doubly significant. His election some suspicions that Great Britain as President of the French Republic was growing careless of the great inwas the result of a remarkable revival terests which the Entente exists to in French feeling. That this revival maintain. That suspicion was comhas not taken as complete possession pletely dispelled by a certain speech of the Legislature as it has of the of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, country has been shown by the en- and since 1911 no one has questioned forced resignation of a Minister of the determination of Great Britain to War who possessed exceptional qual- make common cause with France and ifications for the office, and by the de- Russia in guarding Europe against the feat of M. Briand's Ministry. But that calamity of a great war. This is one the nation as a whole is resolved to of the things which give M. Poincaré's make whatever sacrifices are necessary visit to England an importance beyond to maintain the position it once more those of M. Loubet or M. Fallières. holds in Europe is plain from the gen- Another is that the value of the Triple eral goodwill in which M. Poincaré is Entente has been confirmed in a very held, and from the visible desire to remarkable way by the recent conflict invest the office he holds with powers in the Balkans. We do not underrate which his predecessors have allowed the part that Germany has played in to lie unused. Nor is the special sig limiting the area of the war. But nificance of this visit confined to the without the Entente the Powers might President's personality. The circum- have found it even more difficult than stances in which he paid it give it an it has actually been to protect the inequal title to distinction.

The Triple terests threatened by the fall of the Entente, in which our good relations Ottoman Empire in Europe and the with our nearest neighbor are at this rise of a new power in the Balkans moment so conspicuous an element, without an appeal to arms. M. Poinhas recently given striking evidence caró came among us, therefore, at a of its value as a factor in the European most opportune moment. The strength peace. It is one of the merits which of the Triple Entente has been tested go some way to redeem the many sins afresh, and its value to Europe, and of the present Government that at a not merely to its own members, has very critical moment they intervened been established with singular clear. to proclaim their determination to make the Triple Entente the corner- There is yet a third reason why the stone of their foreign policy. We do President of the French Republic not believe that there had ever been should be specially welcomed in England at this time. One of the strangest an understanding a more promising characteristics of the Liberal Party at policy than would be found in a sepapresent is the indifference, if not posi- rate understanding with England. But tive hostility, which some of them putting this possibility aside, what display to the great instrument of would be the value to England of an European peace. To all appearance a alliance with Germany? Its value to. certain section of them would view Germany would be plain enough. It with real satisfaction a decided cool- would lie in our co-operation with her ness in our attitude towards France in the development of that future on and Russia if it were accompanied by the sea which the Emperor has so a corresponding change in our attitude often proclaimed as the main object of towards Germany. How they explain German ambition. If there be any this feeling to themselves we are un- Englishmen who hope that our part in able to conceive. They must have for- such an arrangement would be to re gotten—it is true they are mostly duce our naval expenditure and conyoung men-the constant irritation tentedly watch the growth of the Gerwhich marked our relations with man tieet, they have curiously misFrance and Russia before the under- taken the reasons which ordinarily standings arrived at with both coun- lead to the conclusion of treaties betries. For nearly a decade there has tween great Powers. Germany would been tranquillity-external tranquillity work on Bismarck's old principle of -in India and in Egypt. The oppo- do ut des, and we should probably be nents, or, if they like the title better, told that since very little is to be exthe critics, of the Triple Entente pected from us in the way of military would seemingly prefer to have back aid we must be prepared to relieve the constant alarms on the Afghan Germany of some part of her naval esfrontier and constant suspicions of timates. The command of the British the relations between the Tsar and the fleet would enable our ally to make Amir which once existed. They would for a time a very convenient diversion be content to see France reasserting of expenditure from her sea to her her claim to a share in the adminis- land forces. It may be said, by way tration of Egypt and reviving the of reply, that the Triple Entente has policy which so nearly brought us into also its burdens. But there is this conflict at Fashoda. Indeed, this is great difference between what we are but a very imperfect description of our liable to now and what we should be position if we were to retire from the liable to if we listened to some of our Triple Entente. It is not the old un- advisers and retired from the Triple satisfactory state of things that would Entente. As things are, all that we be reproduced, but the old state of have to bear is borne for the single end things embittered and worsened by of keeping the peace. It is as certain the resentment naturally aroused by as anything in human affairs can be our wilful desertion of two honest al- that so long as England, France, and lies. We must suppose that the poli- Russia adhere to their present policy ticians of whom we are speaking hope of joint action for this common purthat we should be compensated for the

ness.

pose that purpose will be assured. It estrangement of France and Russia will not be assured without costby the closer friendship of Germany. what great purpose is? But the cost It is by no means certain that Ger

of the naval and military preparations piany might not see in fresh offers to needed for the maintenance of peace the Powers with whom we had ended is infinitely less than the losses which

an

re

would be entailed upon every member her the building of a navy and the reof the Triple Entente by even a seven organization of

army. Neither days' war.

process can be the work of a moment, If any guarantee were needed for and while both are in progress the one the pacific character of the policy of aim of her statesmen must be to which Sir Edward Grey is the success- obtain a breathing time in which the ful embodiment, it would be found in recovery of her strength may go on the cominon interest which all the unhindered. France, happily for herthree Powers have in the limitation of self, is better off in the way of the Entente to this, its original and preparation to meet possible attack permanent object. There is no need to than either Great Britain or Russia. establish this in the case of Great But before she can meet the world as Britain. The greatest commercial a perfectly united nation she has much nation of the world has more to lose to regain and something to undo, and by war than any other of the Great for such a healing process as this warPowers. The imports that are fure does not supply a beneficent atquired to keep her population em- mosphere. There is nothing, therefore, ployed, and the food that is required that can offer any inducement to any to keep it alive, come for the most of the Powers to withdraw from the part from abroad, and the first sound Triple Entente. The interests of every of war in Europe would put these sup- one of them are best served by its plies in jeopardy. That this can only continuance, because they are best be avoided by never-ceasing precau- served by the attainment of the object tions against war is quite true. But for which it exists. What better jus. the difference in cost between pre- tification than this can be desired for cautions against war and reparations the warmth of M. Poincaré's reception after war may be the difference be

among us? The popular instinct sees tween keeping a navy up to the mark in him a guarantee for that European and creating an entirely new nary. tranquillity which we all desire, The days when "splendid isolation" though we do not all seem to undercould be preached with any chance of stand how it can best be secured. The getting a hearing are over.

The spec

visit of M. Poincaré and the promptitacle of a Europe in arms is not cal- tude with which he paid it are welculated to make Great Britain live come testimonies to the existence on contentedly without allies. The needs both sides of the Channel of a desire of Russia point to a similar conclusion. for peace which is at once genuine and The war with Japan has imposed upon effective.

The Spectator.

“JAPAN AMONG THE NATIONS."

To the Editor of The Times :

Sir,—The three weeks or more of time involved makes it a far cry to criticize from this side of the Atlantic an argument in an English daily, but the communication of Sir Valentine Chirol in your issue of May 19, "Japan Among the Nations: The Bar

of Race," 1 is of such importance to the American world-in Canada no less than in the United States—and also of such enduring interest to the whole community of European civilization, because affecting the political conditions of territories to which their emiI The Living Age, June 28, 1913.

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