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must be millions of unused umbrella you see me in a black frock coat and covers in England. Let us start brown boots and a straw hat you will company for the recovery of umbrella be ashamed of me and you will wish covers, but, as we value our peace of you hadn't brought me; but it will mind, do not let us go to a Garden then be too late. It will get into the Party."
local paper. The Daily Mail will have “But," said Francesca, “it's such a a paragraph about it:-'Strange conbeautiful day."
duct of an alleged gentleman at a Gar“It isn't really, you know," I urged. den Party. You mustn't take me "It's only pretending. There's quite Francesca." a nasty little cloud over there, and it's "But how can I help it?" growing. You mark núy words, it'll “How can you help it! There are a rain in buckets in another hour or so; thousand ways. You can leave .me; and how will your Garden Party get you can forget me; you can suddenly on then? There, I felt a drop on my begin to dislike me; you can go alone; nose."
you can lock me into the library; you "But that'll stop the pic-nic, too, can fail to find me when the moment won't it?"
comes; you can" "How foolish of you, Francesca! It "You needn't go on," she said. “It's never troubles to rain on a quiet not a bit of good." family pic-nic, but a great showy Gar- "Indomitable and relentless woman," den Party brings out all nature's I said, "tell me at least where this worst qualities."
Garden Party is to be, and who is "Well, I can't help it. You've got giving it." to come."
She laughed. "You're giving it," "No, no," I said warmly, "you she said. “It's going to be here. mustn't take me. I don't know how Hurry up and get into your frock coat. to dress for a Garden Party. When They'll all be arriving directly."
R. C. L.
AN ERROR OF JUDGMENT.
The Government, we are convinced, cans who know best. But this have made a mistake in refusing to class of Americans is necessarily take part in the Panama Exhibition. limited. The great masses of all naIt is an intelligible mistake, and tions are prone to judge the actions mistake, we are glad to think, which of others by appearances, and the is not past cure, but a mistake which masses in the United States form ought not to have been made. The no exception to the rule. We are not misconstruction which has been placed in the least surprised that even the upon their decision and the irritation American opinion which admits which it has caused, not only on the claims under the Canal Treaties to be Pacific Coast, but throughout the reasonable should see in our abstenUnited States, are its sufficient con- tion from the Canal exhibition an exdemuation. The explanation which pression of ill-temper at the disregard they have given of it is, we are satis- of those claims and of our remonfied, the real explanation. That is not strances concerning them. It was indoubted by anybody in this country evitable in the circumstances that they or, we feel confident, by those Ameri- should come to such a conclusion. It
was equally inevitable that, having judge that it was the cause of their reached it, they should condemn the decision. They did not remember "pin-prick" imputed to us as a puerile in London the considerations which display of petty malice. Assuredly the President of the Board of Trade exit would have deserved this censure pounded the other day at Ghent. had it been a "pin-prick" at all. In They did not bethink them, as Mr. fact it was, of course, nothing of the Buxton did, that the value of exhibikind. Our manufacturers and traders tions is not to be exclusively meashave been complaining for years past ured in pounds, shillings, and pence; that exhibitions have become a seri- that these international gatherings ous tax upon their business. That further mutual “knowledge, underthis view is widely shared by other standing, and appreciation"; that nations of the Old World was demon- they help peoples to "look to the good strated by the Conference held in qualities in other nations rather than Berlin last October, and attended by to their deficiencies”; that they tend delegates from this country and from "to promote agreement rather than fifteen other States. Great Britain differences," and that "national relaand all the other States represented tions between countries are greatly pledged themselves not to patronize improved” by them. Had these some"large general exhibitions” if held at what elementary truths been present intervals of less than ten years. The to their minds the Government would Gbent Exhibition was, of course, al- not have gone beyond the letter of the ready organized, but the Belgian Gov- Berlin Convention, or shrunk from the ernment, even before this decision, outlay needed in this instance. If had bound themselves not to promote their decision is irrevocable, will not another until 1923. It was with this the patriotism and the enterprise of recent international obligation before our manufacturers and traders do their eyes, and with the facts and something to make good their blunder? reasoning which had persuaded the That it is nothing worse than a blun. Conference to enter into it fresh in der well-informed opinion in America their memories, that the Government will doubtless realize upon reflection. had to decide whether this country Americans who know us and our hisshould be officially represented at San tory know that our self-respect and Francisco or not. On inquiry they our sense of fair play forbid us to found that manufacturers in this coun- uphold a serious political claim by try were not anxious to participate. acts of petty spitefulness. The conThe Government made up their minds duct of Canada and of Australia, both that representation at San Francisco of whom, we understand, have decided would cost the State some £230,000, to participate, should suffice alone to and our manufacturers a sum which dispel any reasonable doubts as to the has been estimated at about £500,000, nature of the mistake which the home and they decided that the mate- Government have committed. Interest rial results would not justify the in the Canal and feeling against the outlay.
Canal Act are at least as strong in The mistake they made was that these great Dominions as in England. they did not take a wider view. Con- If their better judgment brings out scious that the Panama Canal Act had the fault of Downing street, it also nothing whatever to do with their de- demonstrates that this fault is not due cision, they did not reflect that Ameri- to national ill-feeling, but to a failure can opinion would almost infallibly on the part of Ministers to foresee the natural consequences of their own action. The fault is deplorable, but it is natural, pardonable, and, above
all, not past the repair which the sense and the sentiment of the nation demand.
THE CREATOR OF GERMAN SOCIALISM.
It is no exaggeration to say that
will to the speculative with August Bebel there has gone genius of Karl Marx, to the imaginafrom European politics their strongest tive impulse of Lassalle, to the ardent personality and their most powerful idealism of Liebknecht, this formidawill. Few statesmen wield to-day an ble regimented phalanx is Bebel's appreciable influence outside their own creation and his monument. The man country.
politicians whose who achieved this feat in a country thoughts and words had wings to which values above all else the carry them beyond their own fron
trained intelligence and the academic tier, we can name only two. One is mind, was a self-educated artisan. Jaurès, and the other was Bebel. If It is a common criticism on German Jaurès is the more sympathetic figure, Socialism to say that it has been the greater thinker, and the more elo- barren of positive political results. To quent voice, there is nothing in his have supplied the working classes with record which stirs the veneration that an elaborate education in a country Bebel inspired. His leadership was where they were, as they were not in creative. Every other leader in mod- Britain and France, politically nonern Europe inherited his party. There existent and unconscious, is itself was not a man among them who did sufficiently large achievement. But not receive his mantle from some the criticism ignores the indirect efolder prophet, and assume the control fects of German Socialism. No of an organization which generations who knows the facts would deny that of predecessors built up. Bebel made the impulse behind the whole series his party, and made it virtually out of of German Social Reforms has been nothing. He had to create, not merely the necessity of combating Bebel's its machine, but its habit of thought, party. Bismarck derived from Las. and to create it in the face of repres- salle his first notions of social amelision and persecution. The fruit of his oration, and admitted the debt work is a party, the most disciplined, frankly. The pressure that carried the most self-reliant, the most potent him and his successors into their for education as well as for combat, schemes of insurance was without a of any in modern Europe. Our British doubt the sheer necessity of proving parties, with the wealth of our middle- that the plight of the working classes class behind them, their great news- could be rendered tolerable more simpapers, and their enormous power of ply and siroothly than by the triumph social pressure are formidable engines of Social Democracy. of public opinion. But they are not, But the real peculiarity of Bebel's in the same sense as German Social- policy and career was rather that inism, an intellectual force which acts stead of furnishing Liberalism with upon millions of working-men with the ideas, as Socialism has done in our combined power of a university, a own country, it seemed to sap its virchurch, and a trade union. Allow tue and to place it on the defensive
as a narrowly middle-class party. It is a nice question how far the aggressiveness and deliberate isolation of social democracy is to blame for this result. The fact is, we suspect, that under German conditions there is no natural place for a constructive Liberalism. It is debarred from office and power; it cannot put in practice a policy of evolutionary adjustment; nor is it fitted to extort reforms by mass agitation. Bebel's policy of no compromise would be sterile in this country, and the influence of its example has probably been mischievous in France. But a powerful argument could be piled up to prove that it was in the main, and until recent years, the only policy which a working-class party could hopefully adopt against a bureaucratic Government in a State dominated by its army, over-governed by its police, and controlled by the
most retrograde and the most formida-
It seems certain that none of the lire of march sufficiently circuitous to Great Powers desires changes in the avoid the appearance of a sudden reTreaty of Bucharest strongly enough treat. The important fact is that to force a revision at the risk of pro- the Bucharest Treaty, contrary to all voking a new war. We may assume, expectations, unites the Great Powers therefore, that the Treaty will be ac- nearly enough for them to give it their cepted as it is, and, with the sanction sanction as the form of peace apof the Powers, will take the place of proved of by the Concert. We have the Treaty of Berlin. Only one Great said from the beginning that the final Power is seriously and conspicuously peace would not be a peace of any restless, and that is Austria-Hungary. durability or in any sense worthy of But as Germany wears shining armor its name unless it carried the auwith quite as much insouciance when
thority and prestige of the whole Conshe helps to coerce Bulgaria in vio- cert. What, then, are we to say of lation of all Austrian wishes as when this
of Bucharest? Simply she threatened Russia in order to that if it unites the Powers, as no gratisy Austrian sentiment against other arrangement could unite them, Servia, we imagine that the Austrian it is a settlement that satisfies the Foreign Office will have to fall into main condition and must be accepted. line with the rest of Europe. Of It satisfies the main condition, even course, Count Berchtold, if he does
though on countless minor points it not resign his office, will make his new courts criticism. On the face of it,
the settlement of the boundary lines or morbid forms, may defeat the very is not the one we should have wished. military ends which it was intended Distinctively Bulgarian towns in Mace- to serve. This is a lesson for everydonia—distinctively Bulgarian, at body, however, and Bulgaria should least, if the ethnographic argument not have been made to learn it alone. is to be allowed any weight at all- Sir Edward Grey, in his statement in pass into non-Bulgarian ownership; the House of Commons on Tuesday, the withdrawal of Macedonian terri- most wisely refused to single out tory is indeed a monstrous disappoint any Balkan State for particular cenment to Bulgaria; and Greece has suc- sure in the recent war of brothers. cessfully pressed her claim to an un- The next important fact to notice duly large slice of the Thracian coast. about the Treaty of Bucharest is that Because Bulgaria was helpless before it depends upon the observance of the her combined foes she has been de Treaty of London. It is necessary to prived of rewards which were properly understand clearly what this means. hers by right of the enormous sacri- If the Treaty of London which created fices she made in the war against the Enos-Midia line were successfully "Turkey. We call this a bad arrange- torn up by the Turks, Bulgaria would ment in itself, because it is one which get
less-much less in the is bound to leave Bulgaria perma- material value of territory—than she nently sore, and therefore a
gets by the Treaty of Bucharest. It neighbor to Servia and Greece than is essential, therefore, to remember she otherwise would have been. If that the acceptance of the Treaty of Servia and Greece were able in their Bucharest by the Powers postulates exultation to take a larger view of the accomplishment of the Treaty of the future they would recognize that London. Otherwise the Treaty of it would have been to their own in- Bucharest would not be defensible. terest to be satisfied with a little less Those who believe themselves to be than their pound of flesh. Bulgarian acting as the friends of Turkey in this discontent may be a source of much country ask why, if Greece and expense and anxiety to them in the Servia were allowed to acquire new years to come. No doubt Bulgaria de territory by conquest after the war served a hard rap over the knuckles, between the Balkan Alliance and but she did not deserve one so hard Turkey had been brought formally to as this. We cannot help remarking an end, Turkey should not also be that the secrecy which Bulgaria made allowed to keep the territory she has a point of maintaining throughout the reconquered. Besides, it is argued, war was one of the causes of her un- Turkey has not really violated a doing. She baffled Europe by a de treaty at all, as the Treaty of London liberately contrived system of mislead- had not been ratified. “You make one ing information, and, still following law for the Christian," it is said, “but the policy of secrecy, she sprang a another for the Turk. It is evident surprise attack on Greece and Servia that the Turks would be allowed to which appears to have been a soldier's remain wherever they are at the mopolicy hatched apart from all the re- ment the men in possession-if only straining influences of criticism at they were not Turks!" Superficially, home and the sober warnings of on- of course, there is undoubted logic in lookers abroad. The frankest publicity such an argument. But if we recogwould have served her cause better. nize that the Treaty of Bucharest is Thus we see how secrecy, in excessive tolerable only because it assumes the