National Urban League, which I understand will testify here later on, and which is more intimately concerned with this type of statistics than we are-but of course there is Negro unemployment. If there is any unemployment at all, and Negroes live in the area, they are always among the unemployed, and the chances are they are a substantial portion of the unemployed.

Senator ELLENDER. And that is in spite of the operation of the FEPC bill in New York State?

Mr. WILKINS. You will permit me to answer it this way: The IvesQuinn bill, in New York State, as I understand it, and S. 984, now before this committee, are not primarily designed to cancel out the possibility of unemployment.

I don't think anyone seriously maintains that.

Senator ELLENDER. But you made the point that a great number of unemployed are colored, and I assume from that, that this is more or less a natural consequence. That is why I asked you the question. Mr. WILKINS. May I explain that; Senator?

Senator ELLENDER. Yes.

Mr. WILKINS. The fact that probably there is a greater proportion. of Negroes unemployed does not necessarily mean that the Ives-Quinn law, or the Jones law, or any other law, is affected. It simply means that a great many factors contribute to unemployment, a number of them which are not racial in any respect.

Senator ELLENDER. Skill, and lack of it?

Senator IVES. Seniority, too, does it not?

Mr. WILKINS. In the case of Negroes, it is seniority. But if a manufacturer cannot get materials, he shuts down. It does not matter whether he employs Czechoslovakians, Negroes, or white people or whom he employes; you have unemployment.

But it does not mean necessarily that a law designed primarily to correct discrimination-now, this law will not create jobs for Negroes specifically. It is only designed to see that there is no discrimination in the allocation of such employment as is available, as I understand it.

Senator IVES. That is right.

Senator ELLENDER. That may be true but it is prompted, though, more or less by the agitation from the colored race.

Would you agree to that?

Mr. WILKINS. I think that is true, and I think it is perfectly understandable and justifiable.

Senator ELLENDER. I am not questioning that.

Mr. WILKINS. What I mean to say is, if a man finds himself a victim of a circumstance, if it is lack of water, he tries to dig a well, and he tries to find some water.

Senator IVES. I do not think that is quite correct in New York State, do you?

Mr. WILKINS. The Senator was confining himself to New York, were you not?

Senator ELLENDER. I made the distinction yesterday, or tried to, that New York-because of the fact that it is the melting pot of all races, and all people who come to this country, and that is why I made the point yesterday that it may be that New York State in itself is more in need of a bill of this character, rather than to make it apply nationally.

Senator IVES. On the contrary, I am inclined to think that New York has made far greater advances than any other State in this field, prior to the enactment of this bill.

Mr. WILKINS. Were you asking me that?

Senator IVES. I am just answering that now. That is my own observation. I come from New York, too.

Mr. WILKINS. Yes, we know you do, Senator, and we are very glad you are here from New York.

If I may just state, as the Senator did, my own impression, it is that this Ives-Quinn measure in New York State fits into the pattern of advanced social legislation with the stages noted for them. It may be as the Senator from Louisiana says, that the peculiar composition of the population of the State of New York even necessitates certain legislation, but we from New York prefer to say that we feel that we have the enlightenment and social consciousness which produces this type of social legislation. We feel that it is good for our State. Senator ELLENDER. I suppose that in New York there is a section, in Harlem, wherein the population of colored people is thicker than in any section in the country?

Mr. WILKINS. That is so.

Senator ELLENDER. Likewise, I presume that there are more Jewish people in New York than in any other section of the country; also the foreign element.

When one goes abroad and talks to an European, all he knows about America is New York; he does not know anything about Missouri. Mr. WILKINS. I have never been fortunate enough to get abroad, sir. Senator ELLENDER. He does not know anything about Louisiana. New York is what he knows, and it is so impressed on him that that is where he heads for and stays.

Senator IVES. We haven't anything against that.

Senator ELLENDER. I know that, but it seems to me that as a factthat your having such an element coming in from various portions of the world creates these conditions whereby you have to resort to law in order to attain certain goals of relief.

Senator IVES. Mr. Chairman, may I comment on that, coming from New York, as long as New York seems to be under discussion at the moment?

I think that New York has made great advancement, and has over the years, going 'way back, in these various areas. Perhaps this fact, that we do have in New York State and New York City-but it is not all confined to New York City-various representative groups from around the world has expedited this advancement, but I think it is just inherent in New York, and I think that it is historic. I think we have as a State pioneered in these things, and perhaps, because of conditions that have been cited by the Senator from Louisiana, our progress has been expedited.

Perhaps that does contribute to the results, but I do not think that is the sole reason by a great deal.

Senator ELLENDER. I am not trying to find fault with the great State of New York, but it has had more occasion for such laws than any other State in the Union, I presume, and that is because of its mixed native population and the various types of foreigners coming there and settling in New York.

Senator IVES. We are all foreigners, Senator.

Senator ELLENDER. I grant that.

Senator IVES. I am myself, and I am the tenth generation of my family here; but we all came from the other side originally.

Senator ELLENDER. When I say foreigners, I mean most of those who come in and have not yet acquired citizenship.

Senator IVES. That is right.

Senator ELLENDER. And you know as well as I do that New York has been referred to as the melting pot of the Nation.

That is all I have to say, Mr. Chairman.

Senator DONNELL. Is there anything further, gentlemen?
Senator IVES. No, sir.

Senator ELLENDER. That is all.

Senator DONNELL. Thank you very much, Mr. Wilkins.
Mr. WILKINS. Thank you.

Senator DONNELL. We appreciate your statement.

Let the record show that in connection with the testimony of Mr. Gilbert Harrison, vice president of the American Veterans Committee, a copy of that portion of the platform of June 15, 1946, which is set. forth in the document filed by him, namely, the speech of Senator Murray, on July 3, 1946, the constitution of the organization, is filed; but unless there is objection from some member of the committee, I shall ask that that portion of the platform embraced by Senator Murray be incorporated in the record.

Mr. Masaoka, will you state, please, your name, your address, your nationality, and your educational background? (The reprint referred to follows:)

AMERICAN POLICY PLATFORM OF AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE

(Speech of Hon. James E. Murray, of Montana, in the Senate of the United States, July 3, 1946)

Mr. MURRAY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the domestic policy platform adopted by the American Veterans Committee, AVC, at Des Moines, Iowa, June 14 to 16.

This platform was drafted by veterans of this war who are keenly interested in the destiny of America. I believe that the platform is a remarkable achievement. It should be studied carefully by Members of Congress as an important indication of the type of national program which young America wants.

The platform was adopted at the first national convention of AVC under circumstances which were variously described as "democrcay in action" and "an inspiring miracle." The delegates were deadly serious. They had no time for capering. They were urgently interested in adopting policy platforms which would express their feeling that a program of progressive legislative action is necessary to save America from another boom-and-bust cycle.

AVC stands for a liberal program. Their progressivism follows along the line of the great precedent set by the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt. They want action. They feel that the fate of their own generation, as well as that of their children, hangs in the balance. They are anxious that we hear their pleas for democratic action on the problems facing us all.

They have attacked specific problems with courage and foresight. To mention but a few of the stands they have taken on matters of immediate interest, they want a realistic housing program, a strong democratic labor movement, the development of our river valleys, a vital price-control program, an honest opposition to discrimination, aid to small business, a Federal health program, and a tax program based upon ability to pay.

I personally am deeply moved by this platform because it includes many of the major legislative goals for which I have worked during my many years in Congress. I want to commend the members of the American Veterans Commit

tee (AVC) for their unselfish interest in the welfare of all America and wish them success in creating a reawakened and revitalized public opinion among the veterans of this war.

There being no objection, the platform was ordered to be printed in the Record, as follows:

PLATFORM PASSED BY FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION, AMERICAN VETERANS COMMITTEE, INC., DES MOINES, IOWA, JUNE 15, 1946

Domestic affairs

As citizens and veterans our greatest stake is in a democratic and prosperous America and a stable world. As all men, our primary needs are peace, jobs, and freedom. We have learned at high cost that the "four freedoms" are inseparable; that without freedom from want and freedom from fear we cannot enjoy nor truly know freedom of religion and freedom of speech. We have learned that without security there is only the freedom to suffer or perish. Accordingly we turn our attention to those domestic, economic, political, and social problems which must be solved as a part of the task of winning the peace. We are confident that with our abundant resources, our manpower and skill, and our basically sound democratic system we can solve these problems. This is our program for action.

I. Housing

1. We demand that the wartime governmental controls-priorities, subsidies, price controls-now again be utilized to give us homes in which to live. Particularly, we demand that building materials be channeled into low-cost residential construction.

2. Where private builders are unable or unwilling to build low-cost homes, government must build them. Until the emergency has been dealt with, unessential and deferrable construction, like racetracks and office buildings, should be denied building permits.

3. We demand that the powers granted the National Housing Expediter be exercised immediately to carry out the enacted legislative housing program so that at least 50 percent of the 2,700,000 housing units be permanent low-cost rental units. We urge that representatives of World War II veterans' groups active in housing be put on mayors' and OPA housing committees; and that unoccupied usable housing be made available to veterans who now have no homes. 4. Finally, we urge immediate enactment of the present provisions of the longterm Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill.

II. Labor

1. We favor all measures by business, employees' organizations, and Government necessary to insure full and fair employment.

2. We urge amendments to the Federal Fair Labor Standards Act to provide a minimum wage of 75 cents an hour and of State laws to provide an equivalent minimum wage for employees not subject to Federal legislation.

3. We favor the principle of a guaranteed annual wage and immediate steps to bring it about as soon as practicable.

4. We favor the continuation of the maximum workweek of 40 hours for all workers with time and a half for all hours over 40 and double time for the seventh day.

5. We recommend a permanent Federal Employment Service.

6. We urge uniform Federal unemployment compensation at a minimum rate of $25 for 26 weeks for unemployment of all kinds, including time lost due to labor disputes, and extension of social-security provisions to cover all persons. 7. We urge continuance and improvement of our safeguards against child labor.

8. A strong democratic labor-union movement is one of the most effective forces for political and economic democracy in the United States. We therefore support the right of all organized labor to unionize any or all workers anywhere in the United States. We recommend to union leadership recognition of its responsibility not alone to union membership but to the entire public as well. We recommend that such leadership exercise its responsibility by promoting efficiency and an ever-increasing production of goods to provide an adequate standard of living for all.

9. We favor broadening and strengthening collective bargaining. We oppose any form of compulsory arbitration, the use of armed forces in labor disputes,

and any procedures crippling the laws protecting labor against injunctions. Labor's right to strike must be maintained.

III. Agriculture and natural resources

1. The welfare of the agricultural population depends primarily upon full employment and a rising level of consumption for all elements of the population. In this respect the basic problems confronting agriculture are identical to those of labor, and we call upon both groups to support each other fully for their mutual benefit. American democracy is deeply rooted in the historic family-type farm unit as contrasted to the growing corporate type of land ownership and farm operation. We favor the improvement and stabilization of tenure arrangements giving special emphasis to programs designed to encourage owner operation of family-type farm units.

2. To promote these ends we urge that appraisal of land values for tax purposes and for mortgage loans to be commensurate with expected incomes, that utmost support be given to cooperative marketing, purchasing, and service facili ties, soil- and water-conservation programs, land-use planning, reforestation, rural electrification, farm housing, and health and education.

3. We favor a full production policy for agriculture within the limits of good soil use. In consideration of farmers' full production programs, we favor direct income payments to agriculture when necessary in preference to support of market prices which injure the consumer.

4. Where necessary to enable farmers to get needed machinery and repairs immediately in order to produce critically needed food requirements, we urge Government seizure and operation of closed farm-equipment factories.

5. As veterans, we recognize that the greatest strength of our Nation is in its peoples, its resources, its rivers, its lands, and what lies beneath the land. Therefore, we will support the creation of valley authorities modeled on the TVA in such areas as the Missouri, the Arkansas, the Columbia River, and Central Valley (Calif.) watersheds, and the creation of a Great Lakes-St. Lawrence seaway and corelated power developments, in this way opening up new frontiers of science, agriculture, and industry.

IV. Price and rent control

1. Legislative or Executive action weakening the price and rent line now being defended must be condemned. We favor a strong policy of price and rent control with adequate appropriations for its enforcement and the release of any commodity from control only when its supply and that of related commodities is sufficient so that the price will not rise measurably when control is lifted.

2. The practice of using wage or other cost increases as a basis for price increases where added costs may be absorbed within established industry profit standards as now defined and economies of mass production are unjustified.

3. We urge that the price- and rent-control lines be further safeguarded by the establishment of commercial rent ceilings. We favor the extension of priority and allocation regulations to force production of low-cost items.

4. We urge that the United States return to a system of rationing of essential commodities, such as food, clothing, and building materials where necessary to fulfill commitments to starving nations of the world and provide essential commodities for all citizens and veterans of the United States.

5. We recognize that no issue is more important to veterans and the American people than effective price and rent control. Therefore, we condemn the action of the Senate and the House of Representatives in emasculating the OPA. The proposed legislation strikes a crucial blow against our entire stabilization program. It will lead to ruinous inflation, followed by a period of unemployment, bankruptcy, and hardship at home and abroad. It represents a direct denial, in face of overwhelming evidence, of our objective to achieve and maintain full employment. We urge President Truman to veto the bills offered by either House of Congress.

6. We demand the exposure by vigorous public campaign of each Senator and Congressman who voted to destroy price control by crippling amendments.

7. We instruct our national leadership to consult immediately with all national organizations for the purpose of taking militant steps on a Nation-wide coordirated scale to rescue OPA from inflationary forces. Such steps to include: (1) Simultaneous Nation-wide demonstrations;

(2) buyers' strikes:

(3) veteran, consumer, business, and labor delegations to Congress;

(4) any other measures that are necessary to convince an indifferent Congress that the people insist upon having a strong, adequately financed and staffed OPA.