I am authorized to present the views of the Jewish War Veterans of the United States by virtue of resolutions passed by its national executive committee, and I appear before your honorable committee upon express direction of our national commander, Milton H. Richman, of Hartford, Conn.

I shall not repeat, in this brief statement, arguments which have been presented to your committee by other witnesses with reference to various details of the bill, but desire to make a few comments from the standpoint of a veteran-one of those 18,000,000 veterans of our last two wars who fought for our democratic way of life, one of those 600,000 Jewish veterans of World War II who returned leaving behind 13,000 Jewish dead with the dead of other Americans of all religious faiths. In considering the implications of this bill, I ask your indulgence as I recall vividly a day in Normandy in July 1944, just a few weeks after D-day. As an officer attached to General Eisenhower's headquarters, I was going through Normandy when my jeep was forced to stop because of a traffic tie-up alongside a ditch where a group of GI's were eating their K rations. In the group of some 15 to 20, there were 3 Negro truck drivers. One soldier greeted my driver with an accent that left no doubt that he was from Brooklyn. Some were obviously from the farm, if one could judge by their general appearance; others were city bred. Undoubtedly, in that small group were Protestant, Catholic, Jew-a real cross section of the youth of our land.

That is the way of war. These men, bound together in a common fight and a common danger that lay heavily on all American troops in France at that moment, were having a shared meal in common discomfort and in a common recognition that they were fighting for a democratic United States without regard to their individual racial or religious backgrounds.

As soldiers, these men encountered no discrimination in their right to fight and die for democracy; as veterans, they are discovering that they are being denied equal opportunities to earn a living in that democracy by sheer accident of birth-because they were born of parents who were Catholics, Mexicans, Italians, Jews, Negroes, or other minority religious, racial, or national backgrounds.

Gentlemen, when you add together the number of persons in the United States who are discriminated against in employment all over the country by virtue of their race, religion, or national origin, you have a staggering total which represents a substantial percentage of the American population. A number of incidents have come to our attention where Jewish veterans with outstanding military records have been frankly and openly denied equal opportunities for ememployment because of their religion and without reference to their qualifications for the job.

This bill which you gentlemen are now considering has significance beyond the borders of our country. During the war, I was in intimate contact with Allied liaison officers of 14 different nationalities attached to our headquarters who frequently asked their American colleagues why we discriminated against Negroes, Mexicans, Jews, and other racial or religious groups in so many aspects of our economic life. Nor was it pleasant to listen, as I did one day in France, to the Nazi radio exploit our discriminatory practices and exhort our Negro truck drivers to sabotage our fast supply program along the Red Ball highways. To these Nazi pleas all Americans turned a deaf ear, but many had hearts full of hope that never again would our enemies find such a vulnerable spot in our democratic

armor.

We have an opportunity, here, gentlemen, to tell the world that we are putting into practice in our own country those democratic ideals which we are attempting to have other countries follow in the present world struggle to preserve that civilization in which we all believe.

The Jewish War Veterans of the United States is firm in the belief that this Congress can provide the world with a conclusive and unassailable demonstration of the national faith in these democratic principles through passage of an FEPC Act which will stand as the most telling and effective refutation of the propaganda of all who would impugn our way of life.

As a veterans' organization, we see such legislation as worthy and legitimate payment of a promissory note to millions of our own veterans who took up arms in a conviction that the terrible equality of war would one day be matched by equal opportunities in peace.

Gentlemen, the privilege-yes, the responsibility--of eliminating many of the evils of discrimination in employment is entirely within your power. Failure to take affirmative action on this fundamental democratic principle will be, unfortunately, a tacit endorsement of the existing undemocratic and un-American practices which S. 964 seeks to correct.

The Jewish War Veterans of the United States strongly urges your honorable committe to do everything possible to speed the passage of this legislation.

STATEMENT OF PAUL D. WILLIAMS, PRESIDENT, SOUTHERN REGIONAL COUNCIL, RICHMOND, VA.

Senator DONNELL. Mr. Williams, you heard the announcement in regard to 12 o'clock. Your testimony will not be terminated if you are not through by that time.

Please state your name, address, and educational background and something as to the organization in whose behalf you appear.

Mr. WILLIAMS. My name is Paul D. Williams. I was born in Richmond, Va., and have lived there all my life. I am serving a second term as president of the Southern Regional Council, succeeding Dr. Howard W. Odum, of the University of North Carolina. The Southern Regional Council is a nonprofit, nonpolitical organization which has for its purpose the advancement of opportunities of all peoples of the South. While I speak at this time as an individual, I am confident that what I have to say represents the majority viewpoint of my board of directors and entire membership.

Senator DONNELL. The board of directors has not, however, authorized you to speak in its behalf?

Mr. WILLIAMS. No; there are 60 members of the board, and when I was asked to testify I did not have time to clear with them, and that is the reason I prefer to speak as an individual.

Senator DONNELL. Yes, sir. Does your board of directors have frequent meetings, Mr. Williams?

Mr. WILLIAMS. We meet once a year and then in quarterly meetings through an executive committee the workings of the organization carry on.

Senator DONNELL. Is there a large body, a larger body than the board of directors?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes, sir; there is a membership at large-$2 membership.

Senator DONNELL. And does that membership have some type of convention at which delegates appear?

Mr. WILLIAMS. They meet annually, too.

Senator DONNELL. When did the most recent meeting of that type occur?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Last November.

Senator DONNELL. Has either the membership in its convention or the board of directors at any time passed any resolution on the subject of discrimination in employment?

Mr. WILLIAMS. We have gone on record as in favor of a fair practices law; no particular law, but fair practices.

Senator DONNELL. You have stated that the Southern Regional Council is a nonprofit, nonpolitical organization; how large a membership does it have?

Mr. WILLIAMS. We have slightly over 2,000 paid members.
Senator DONNELL. Slightly over 2,000.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes, sir.

Senator DONNELL. In how many States is your membership?

Mr. WILLIAMS. In the 13 States that are generally considered the South. I might say from Virginia to Arkansas to Texas to Florida.

Senator DONNELL. Does the membership of this organization consist of white people and Negroes also or is it confined exclusively to members of one race?

Mr. WILLIAMS. All Americans.

Senator DONNELL. All Americans are eligible to membership?

Mr. WILLIAMS. To membership and to office and to the paid personnel. The officers serve voluntarily; we have a paid personnel in Atlanta, Ga., and this personnel is composed of all competent people and they are hired and upgraded regardless of their religion or creed. They work side by side every day.

Senator DONNELL. What proportion of your membership would you say is white and what proportion colored?

Mr. WILLIAMS. I would say about two-thirds white and about onethird is colored.

Senator DONNELL. Very well, Mr. Williams, will you proceed?
Senator ELLENDER. What is your occupation, Mr. Williams?

Mr. WILLIAMS. I am in the publishing business. I am editor for a textbook publishing firm.

Senator DONNELL. What is the name of that firm?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Mensard Bush & Co., of Chicago.

Senator DONNELL. What type of textbooks does it publish?
Mr. WILLIAMS. Elementary and high school.

Senator DONNELL. Used in the South?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Used nationally.

Senator DONNELL. How large an organization does it have?
Mr. WILLIAMS. I do not know what you mean by that.

Senator DONNELL. How many people does it employ?

Mr. WILLIAMS. We have about 10 representatives on the road and we have about 10 in the office.

Senator DONNELL. So there are about 20 persons in the organization. Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes, sir.

Senator DONNELL. A small publishing house?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes, sir.

Senator DONNELL. Do you do the actual publishing or do you have that done by some printing concern?

Mr. WILLIAMS. As in the case of even most of these large concerns, like MacMillan, they job the work out to other concerns like Cuneo of Chicago and Donnelly and others who are specialists in the publishing

of books.

Senator DONNELL. Very well, Mr. Williams, proceed.

Mr. WILLIAMS. The Southern Regional Council puts into daily practice the basic principles of the FEPC as to the hiring and upgrading of individuals according to their qualification and not on the basis of race, color, creed, or national origin. The Southern Regional Council is predominantly Protestant yet its president is a Catholic, its associate director and its executive committee chairman are Negroes and its general counsel is a Jew.

A fair employment practice law is essential as a demonstration of social justice. It is implied in the fundamentals of Christianity which proclaims the dignity and worth of each individual. Christianity is a sham if it preaches one thing in doctrine and another in practice. If Christianity did this it would frustrate the very thing it sets out to accomplish; namely, that we are all children of God, destined for

eternal life and that each individual should seek his highest fulfillment as a gentleman of integrity. In so doing he most resembles his Creator.

A fair practice law is necessary to set our record straight according to the spirit of American democracy as enunciated in the Declaration of Independence. "All men are created equal; they are endowed by their Creator with (the inalienable right) to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." The right to work and to receive equal pay for equal services is inherent in these phrases of our democratic faith. We cannot expect first-class citizenry and only offer second- and thirdclass opportunity.

The South is at the threshold of a new industrialization that can bring the South to an economic prosperity on a par with the rest of our Nation. This will mean much to the South. It will mean much to our entire Nation. But for this new era to come to pass the South must utilize all her human and natural resources and not waste them as has been so tragically true in the past. There are stirrings in the South that are significant. Many fine groups and individuals are striving hard to rid the South of old fancies and ancient prejudices. We no longer are proud of antiquated mansions that should be relics and museum pieces rather than places of abode. We no longer cling to the false illusions and hug outworn dreams. We look to the future when all men can walk in dignity, each striving to reach his greatest stature as a human being.

I do not look upon S. 984 as an idealistic bill and impossible of achievement. Many of its items are similar in design and approach to State laws on fair employment that are actually working successfully, notably the one in New York State.

Suddenly, the world has moved in on us. We see clearly as a result of World War II and its aftermath that we are one people living in one world. At this hour America is looked upon as the hope of decent living among nations everywhere in the world. To pursue our role in world affairs with honesty and vigor we must clean house at home. The words of old John Donne, slightly paraphrased, seem especially fresh and meaningful today:

No man is an island to himself alone

He is part of the mainland

If a wave washes my shore I am the lesser

Every man's death diminishes me

Because I am involved in all humanity.

And, therefore, never send to find for whom the bell tolls

It tolls for thee!

Senator DONNELL. Mr. Williams, is the organization for which Mr. Clarence Barbour appeared here yesterday affiliated with the Southern Regional Council?

Mr. WILLIAMS. I do not know Mr. Clarence Barbour.

Senator DONNELL. As I remember, he referred to you in his testimony yesterday.

I do not know whether you were present or not.

I think it was Mr. Barbour. You are not associated in any way with Students For Democratic Action at the University of North Carolina?

Mr. WILLIAMS. No, sir; we are not at all related.

Senator DONNELL. Have you any questions of Mr. Williams?

Senator ELLENDER. Mr. Williams, what is the position of your organization on segregation in the South?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Well, the best answer I can say is to outline our daily practice; we work in a common office; we have some Negro stenographers, and some white stenographers; we have a paid executive director who receives $7,500 a year. We have a Negro associate director who receives $6,000 a year. We could obtain the services of an adequate Negro at much less than that. But we think as an earnest application of what we believe in that there should be only the difference that would normally take place, perhaps, in a university between a full professor and an assistant professor.

We utilize the same toilet facilities and this takes place in Atlanta, Ga. When we meet annually, we meet as individuals; when the time comes for lunch, we do not run in different directions; we sit down to a common table and eat as gentlemen.

Senator ELLENDER. So that your conference, then, you would say, advocates or believes in nonsegregation.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes; I think you could draw that conclusion.
Senator ELLENDER. Do you preach it in the South?

Mr. WILLIAMS. We do not preach that that is the way to do things. We do not think

Senator ELLENDER. I am just asking if you do.

Mr. WILLIAMS. We do not like to preach. We go ahead and set the example.

Senator ELLENDER. But you have not taken a definite position against segregation in the South?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Not that I know of.

Senator ELLENDER. Except as you have just indicated.

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes.

Senator ELLENDER. That is all.

Senator SMITH. Mr. Chairman, I have one question I would like to ask. I gather from your description of your organization that you are really set up to fight this discrimination. Is that your main purpose, or what is your main purpose?

Mr. WILLIAMs. Our idea is that we want to utilize all the manpower in the South and all the natural advantages that the South has and not waste them. We are not an interracial organization. That is, we emphasize everything, the soil, the climate, the displacement that is coming through the revision of the cotton industry in the South. We are interested in health and education. We believe in taking the racial thing in stride as one of the items of culture in the South.

Senator DONNELL. The committee will be in recess for a few moments. Will you be kind enough to wait for just a few moments, Mr. Williams?

(At this point in the hearing a short recess was taken.)

Senator DONNELL. The committee will be again in session.

Senator IVES. I have just one question I would like to ask Mr. Williams.

Do you think, sir, this bill, if enacted, would work satisfactorily in the South?

Mr. WILLIAMS. Yes; I do.

Senator IVES. Do you think that the provisions in the bill are not such as to cause difficulties which as you will foresee might arise among those who might oppose it?