being the political dumping ground for all types and kinds of legislation aimed primarily at our section of the country.

This is one Nation—a union of sovereign States, so conceived by the founding fathers and so created by the instrument which gave us national life-the Contitution of the United States. Each of the 48 States has made great contribution to the development and to the welfare of the Nation. Each has given a full share of its brave sons in bitter warfare for the preservation of our ideals and our liberties. The sons of the South, of the North, of the East, and of the West have all written glorious deeds of heroism into our, history in each of the wars which we have successfully maintained.

Why, then, is it that here in the United States Congress we see repeated efforts made to enact legislation aimed primarily at the South and southern institutions? As far as I know, there is no need for a Commission of the type proposed by Senate bill 984 in any section of this Nation. Wherever he has the ability and the will to work, any man-regardless of race, creed, or color-can achieve, and this is true in the South and every other section of the country. And wherever a person does not have the ability, does not have the will to work, and does not fit into a business organization or a labor union, then the Congress of the United States can't make such person fit by legislation such as this, and you can't escape it.

In the South there are countless instances and examples of industries in which the great majority of employees are Negroes. These Negro employees are fairly treated, and there is no discrimination against them. There are countless businesses which Negroes have themselves developed and in which they are prospering. There are unlimited opportunities in the South and every other section today for any person of courage, determination, and ability to succeed and to achieve. Throughout the South and throughout the Nation we have countless examples of achievement by members of every race. We have many, many examples of achievements by Negroes in every field of endeavor in Mississippi and throughout the South.

Creation of this Commission will not contribute one iota to opportunities for achievement. There is no such thing as equalization in a democratic society. Democracy is based on competition in a system of free enterprise. And whenever you try to equalize things by legislation, then you will fail in your efforts to pull the weak up and will only succeed in pulling those who have achieved down. Whenever we in this country start trying to control every phase of human endeavor and human relationships by legislation—and this bill is a gigantic jump in that direction-then we will have insured the doom of our democracy, for we will have played directly into the hands of those who believe in the theory of strict regimentation and the totalitarian way of life. Any such doctrine as that espoused by this legislation is bound to be repugnant to anyone who believes in the principles of freedom and liberty as set forth in the Constitution.

If Americans are to have jobs, business must prosper. If business is to prosper, employers must generally have discretion as to the character of their employees. There are many types of businesses in this Nation where Negro employees wouldn't fit into the picture. There are many types of businesses in this Nation where various other racial groups wouldn't fit into the picture. There are many type of businesses in this Nation where white employees wouldn't fit into the picture. That's just a fact, and everyone with any fairness and sense of justice knows it.

There can only be one right way to resolve this question. Leave employers free as they now are to employ only whites, if they so desire. Leave them free to employ only Negroes if they so desire. Leave them free to employ only Baptists, or Methodists, or Catholics, or Jews, or any other faith or race if they so desire. If you don't, I foresee a most unhealthy and unwieldy stifling of American business and American enterprise, with the ultimate result being business failures, less jobs, unemployment, hunger, and ultimately strict regimentation.

I don't like this proposal to create this Commission, because I know it is contrary to the best interests of all Americans and because it in itself is un-American.

Since this is one Nation, and since we believe that this legislation is aimed primarily against the South, we say to you-let the South solve its own problems. We are more familiar with those problems than anyone else. We live with our problems, just as the people of Maine, New York, Illinois, Colorado, and California live with their problems. It is our belief that the people of the other

States are more familiar with their problems than anyone else and that they should be allowed to solve them, because they have the opportunity to better understand them. We expect and demand that same privilege and right-for that is the American way.

Since the Negro race is the largest minority group by far within the United States, and since this legislation is proposed primarily for the benefit of the Negro, in bringing this brief to an end I would like to bring to the committee some quotations from a great American on the race question.

This man is hailed as "The Great Emancipator"; he is described by many as the greatest of the Presidents; and advocates of various types of legislation, But I believe such as this, often point to him as their source of inspiration.

that if he were living today, this man-Abraham Lincoln-would be opposed to this type legislation.

Anything that

Listen to him, speaking on the Negro question: "* argues me into his idea of perfect social and political equality with the Negro is ** * I have no purbut a specious and fantastic arrangement of words.

pose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races. There is a physical difference between the two, which, in my judgment, will probably forever forbid their living together upon the footing of perfect equality; and inasmuch as it becomes a necessity that there must be a difference, I, as well as Judge Douglas, am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior position."

To my way of thinking, this clearly indicates the thinking of a man who has been held up repeatedly as the chief support for so many propositions such as this. It clearly gives his views on the subject of equality. He believed in the superiority of that of which he was a part-the white race just as any man having any pride and self-respect believes in the organization, community, or race of which he is a part.

Again Mr. Lincoln said on another occasion: "While I was at the hotel today an elderly gentleman called upon me to know whether I was really in favor of producing a perfectly equality between the Negroes and white people. While I had not proposed to myself on this occasion to say much on that subject, yet as the question was asked me I thought I would occupy perhaps 5 minutes in saying something in regard to it. I will say that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races-that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say, in addition to this, that there is physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. I say upon this occasion that I do not perceive that because the white man is to have the superior position the Negro should be denied everything. I do not understand that because I do not want a Negro woman for a slave I must necessarily want her for a wife. My understanding is that I can just let her alone. I will add to this that I have never seen, to my knowledge, a man, woman, or child who was in favor of producing a perfect equality, social and political, between Negroes and white men. I will add one further word, which is this: That I do not understand that there is any place where an alteration of the social and political relations of the Negro and the white man can be made except in the State legislature-not in the Congress of the United States.

* * **

* **

And again he said: "Judge Douglas has said to you that he has not been able to get from me an answer to the question whether I am in favor of Negro citizenship. So far as I know, the judge never asked me the question before. He shall have no occasion to ever ask it again, for I tell him very frankly that I am not in favor of Negro citizenship. Now, my opinion is that the different States have the power to make a Negro a citizen under the Constitution of the United States, if they choose.

* *

* **

Twice, in that speech, Mr. Lincoln, who is so often held up as the great exponent of the doctrine of equality, specifically stated that he believed racial matters were matters for the concern of State legislatures. I believe that would be his position today. And this Congress has before it a repeated pattern of rejections of legislation similar to this by the various State legislatures throughout the country-excepting a very few-because the legislators in those States know such legislation is unwise, unworkable, and unconstitutional.

Mr. Lincoln further said: "There is a natural disgust in the minds of nearly all white people at the idea of an indiscriminate amalgamation of the white and black races. * * * I have said that the separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation. I have no right to say all the members of the Republican Party are in favor of this, nor to say that as a party they are in favor of it. There is nothing in their platform directly on the subject. But I can say a very large proportion of its members are for it, and that the chief plank in their platform-opposition to the spread of slavery— is most favorable to that separation.

"Such separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by colonization, and no political party, as such, is now doing anything directly for colonization. Party operations at present only favor or retard colonization incidentally. The enterprise is a difficult one; but 'where there is a will there is a way,' and what colonization needs most is a hearty will. Will springs from the two elements of moral sense and self-interest. Let us be brought to believe it is morally right, and at the same time favorable to, or at least not against, our interest to transfer the African to his native clime, and we shall find a way to do it, however great the task may be. The children of Israel, to such numbers as to include 400,000 fighting men, went out of Egyptian bondage in a body.

Thus spoke Abraham Lincoln on race relations.

* *

Senate bill 984 proposes to the Congress a dangerous piece of legislation. It proposes to embark this Nation on a course which can only lead to regimentation and to decay. It will be but the first step in a long series of similar measures which will eventually sweep away all barriers and lead ultimately to the destruction of all races in this country and to the mongrelization of our people. Recorded history has proved over and over again that mongrelization leads to downfall.

This bill, with all its hidden implications, with its dire threats to our way of life, with its direct step toward strict regimentation, should not be forced upon our system of free enterprise and private initiative. For, by its passage, a step will be taken toward our own self-destruction.

STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN E. RANKIN, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF MISSISSIPPI

Senator DONNELL. Now, gentlemen, I have observed that Congressman Rankin is here this morning. As I understand it, he is desirous of saying a word at this point; is that correct?

Mr. RANKIN. Senator, I was invited here by Senator Ellender to discuss this proposition.

Senator DONNELL. Won't you have a seat, Congressman?

Mr. RANKIN. I believe I had rather stand if it is satisfactory; and I desire to discuss this measure from a national standpoint, and not from a local standpoint.

I am going to ask, if I may, that I insert in the record at this point a statement I made in the House, in which I also included a statement I made on the FEPC that was set up by Executive authority here in the House in Washington, because I am going to follow along that

line.

Senator DONNELL. It will be introduced into the record and made a part thereof.

(The statement of the Honorable John E. Rankin referred to is as follows:).

[From the Congressional Record, 80th Cong., 1st sess.]

THE FEPC IN NEW YORK-WHITE AMERICANS BETRAYED

(Speech of Hon. John E. Rankin, of Mississippi, in the House of Representatives, Thursday, February 13, 1947)

Mr. RANKIN. Mr. Speaker, I was amused at the address of the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Hoffman] and very much interested in what he said. He talked about the slowness with which the leaders of his party proceed in passing labor legislation. I also noticed in the paper that the Senate leaders were going to wait on the House, and the House leaders were going to wait on the Senate.

It reminded me of what I heard over the radio the other night. Somebody was reading the laws of a certain State on traffic regulations which provided that when two cars approach a crossing at right angles they both must come to a dead stop, and each one of them must remain in that position until the other one has passed on. I am just wondering if that is the kind of stalemate we are running into, and if we are going to come to that kind of a dead standstill, with each House remaining in that position until the other one has acted.

But, Mr. Speaker, I arose to discuss a measure introduced by the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Dirksen] for the re-creation of the now defunct FEPC, or the so-called Fair Employment Practice Committee.

I believe Mr. Dirksen made a speech for such a measure in the last Congress, which reminded me of the colored preacher who told his congregation that he was "goin to preach to you an ole 'postolic injunction, Take no heed of what you shall say.'

It would certainly take a genius to reconcile that speech of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr. Dirksen] and this FEPC bill he has introduced with his recent speech against communism, especially since that FEPC is the chief plank in the Communist platform.

It is the most dangerous piece of communistic legislation with which this country has ever been threatened in all its history. I am going to show what it would do to the people of Illinois by pointing out what it is doing to the people of New York, where this vicious measure was written into the laws of that State without consulting the people who are suffering under it.

All these bills contain the same old bunk about making it a crime to discriminate in employment because of "race, creed, color, national origin, or ancestry," and so forth.

Before Mr. Dirksen attempts to ram this monstrosity down the throats of the people of Illinois, and all the other States, I suggest he do as they did in California, let the people of Illinois vote on it. That is what they did in California in the last election, and it was defeated by a majority in every single individual county in California.

Now let us see what such a measure is doing to the people of the State of New York.

A man from New York said to me this morning, “You know this measure is being operated in New York simply by failure to operate it." The other night there were two men from New York in a taxicab here in Washington driven by a man who works here on the Hill. They got into an argument. One of them said, "I told you this FEPC would ruin the State of New York if they ever put it on the statute books." The other one said, "I did not think so I thought it was a humanitarian measure. But I now see my mistake.”

Then the other man said, "Here is what it has done to me. I own a good home," I believe he said "out on Riverside Drive, and I also own a house next to it which I bought for my own protection. I had a friend living in the other house, but his business took him to another section of the country and he had to vacate. Like a fool, I put up a sign 'For rent,' thinking that someone in the community whom I could afford to rent it to would apply. Somebody put a colored fellow up to come and apply for it and the court now says I must let him have it."

I bring this to you for what is is worth. I understand the Communists in New York are demanding that the same rule be applied to rooms or apartments for

rent.

But I want to read you some of the regulations that now being imposed upon the people of the State of New York under this vicious law. Businessmen from New York tell me that the way they are getting around this measure is by operating through employment agencies, because no intelligent businessman would go to a State with that kind of law on its statute books and attempt to establish a new business or a new enterprise, especially with the regulations or rulings under it which I am now going to read to you.

Remember they put this measure on the ticket in California and the people voted on it in the last election; and it lost in every single individual county in California. It was beaten in the entire State by about 3 to 1.

You simply destroy business with a measure like this. That is what the FEPC did here. Men have gone out of business all over the country in the last few years because of the persecution that was carried on by this outfit here in Washington, the personnel of which I shall insert later on.

A few people are going around urging us to pass it as a national law, to put everybody else in the same predicament. These people who are carrying on this racial agitation are using the Negro as a smoke screen. They do not give a tinker's dam about the Negro. They are not trying to help the Negro. They are doing them more harm than anybody has in the last 50 years, and the decent lawabiding Negroes know it.

But let me show you what they have done in New York, and let me give you some of the regulations or rulings, as they are called, and ask you if you would like to have them in your State. I want to ask the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Dirksen) how he would like to have them in Illinois, or how you would like to have them in Ohio, Indiana, Pennsylvania, or in Missouri, or in any other State in the Union.

Here are the regulations, or rulings, issued by the State of New York. They are headed:

"State of New York Executive Department. State Commission against discrimination. Rulings."

Here are rulings:

I want to show you some things you cannot ask in the State of New York when you go to employ a man.

Remember that State has no gas, coal, or oil, and very little water power. The rest of the country does not have to go to New York, or to any other State to get what it needs in the years to come. The American people in every section of this country are in a position now to take care of themselves. You put this measure on in one State after another and you will simply penalize those States beyond reason, and when they ask you to pass it for the whole United States and put it on the entire American people, after the fiasco they have made of it here in Washington in the last few years, it is simply unthinkable to a man who knows what he is doing and has the interest of the people of the country at heart. Here are some of the things you cannot do under the law of New York:

UNLAWFUL EMPLOYMENT PRACTICES BEFORE HIRING ANYBODY

Those words are written in capitals. Here is the first unlawful practice: "Inquiry into the original name of the applicant for employment, whose name has been changed by court proceedings or otherwise."

If you inquire as to his name or what his name used to be you violate the law. You commit an unlawful practice. For instance, take this man who writes for PM, who calls himself I. F. Stone. His name was Isadore Feinstein, as Cordell Hull once pointed out. Suppose he comes to you asking for employment and you ask him that question. Then you will have committed an unlawful act. Here is the next one:

It would be unlawful practice to make "Inquiry into the birthplace of the applicant for employment, the birthplace of his parents, spouse, or other close relative."

How would you like that in Iowa, Illinois, Texas, or Nebraska? In California I know you do not like it, because you have just voted on it. Here is the next unlawful practice:

"Requirement that the applicant for employment produce a birth certificate or baptismal certificate."

That would be an unlawful practice under this FEPC Act in New York.

I was surprised to see Governor Dewey get his mustache in the wringer on this proposition. I do not see how he is ever going to get loose from it.

Mr. MASON. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. RANKIN. I yield.

Mr. MASON. What about this requirement during the war that every person employed in certain industries had to prove that he was born here before he could get a job?

Mr. RANKIN. Certainly. If we had had this law all over the country then, the Japs would have had a spy at the elbow of every man in a key position; so would the Germans, and so would every other enemy country.