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(a) Early rising.
(i) Sleep (on back, hands out, face to light). 4. Immediate punishment for infractions. -5. Food: Plain, distasteful, just sufficient to sustain nutrition; sometimes ex
cessively salty. 6. Elimination : Slop jar in cell, removed for infractions, thereafter, taken to
latrine only at pleasure of the guard. 7. Temperature: May be hot, or cold and damp. 8. Pain may result from fixed positions during sleep and when awake.
Dr. WOLFF. I might say a word about food. I think in many instances or in most instances the food is probably adequate according to the national practices, but many foreign nationals find the food distasteful and perhaps look upon that as one of the features that cause a reaction.
It is very important throughout all this discussion in trying to collect from our informants those effects that are not designed or have no diabolic end but are either due to the local custom or some deficiency of some sort, some clumsiness or awkwardness or peculiar local custom, not necessarily a part of the design.
The pain that is used is not a major part. Individuals may be caused to stand in 1 position for a long period up to 20 or 22 hours, in which you get very severe joint and muscle pains, and in some cases such swelling of the extremities as to make them very painful. Rarely this may interfere with circulation sufficiently to cause a man to collapse or to develop delirium. I should say these were ancillary and not primary features of the Russian or Eastern European method.
Very well, now that we have an idea of the detention regimen, we will go on to the consideration of the effects upon the individual during this period.
The CHAIRMAN. The chart now being presented is exhibit 8.
EXHIBIT No. 8
EFFECTS OF DETENTION. REGIMEN ON PRISONER
Initially : Fear, uncertainty. 1 to 3 days: Bewilderment and discouragement followed by overalertness, ex
pectancy, demanding. Rejects food, complains, attempts fraternization (re
jected or punished). 3 to 10 days: Anxiety, hyperactivity, sleeplessness, nightmares, compliance,
steadily increasing loneliness, boredom, fatigue, hunger, pain, weight loss, gradual compliance. 10 days to 3 weeks: Decreasing activity. Increasing dejection, automatic be
havior, repetitive acts, intense fatigue, drowsiness, pain, weight loss, constipa
tion, edema, craving for companionship, humiliation, loss of self-esteem. 3 to 6 weeks: Despair, utter dependence, inactivity, filth, soiling, mental dulling,
loss of discrimination, muttering, weeping, praying, delusions, hallucinations (delirium), “confabulation,” need for companionship, great need to talk, frustration tolerance greatly reduced, suggestible, eagerly grasps at any help. Pliable.
Dr. WOLFF. He is now still in complete isolation, the first 3 to 6 weeks. Fear and uncertainty are built up. As I said, he is overactive for the first 3 or 4 days. From the 3d to the 10th day he is becoming less and less active, more and more resigned and hopeless and desperate. Then from the 10th day to the 3d week he becomes less and less active and tries to keep himself integrated in many circumstances by repetitive acts. He may cleanse the floor over and over again or meticulously dress and undress or spend long periods of time washing and rewashing—something to fill the day by repetitive automatic acts.
Fatigue, drowsiness. Mind you, sleep may be deprived by interrupting him or waking him. The jailer can do this if it was thought to be desirable. Then toward the end of that time I would say that his state was one of utter dependence, thoroughly disorganized. He may be weeping or praying and may actually have delusions and hallucinations and confabulates. “Confabulates” is a word meaning he constructs a fantasy according to suggestion; that is to say, the interrogator introduced at this time might be able to introduce an idea which is the basis of a fantasy developed by the prisoner.
The need to talk is the outstanding feature and the conviction of frustration due to his lack of ability to make a contact with anyone.
At this point the interrogator enters the scene. Now we may go on to the next chart.
The CHAIRMAN. The chart now being presented will be exhibit 9 and printed in the record at this point. (Exhibit No. 9 follows:)
EXHIBIT No. 9 INTERROGATION PROCEDURES AND PRISONER REACTIONS Begin: When interrogator decides prisoner is ready to talk-usually when he
has become dejected and dependent. Carried out: According to plan-usually at night. Lasts: Until deposition is signed. Stage I: Review of life history in great detail, repetitively. Interrogator : formal. Allows prisoner to talk. Cements relationship by long and intimate inquiry into prisoner's life. Persuades prisoner his aim is to help and be friend. Attitude: “We know everything already.” Never satisfied with information. Discrepancies mean lies. Prisoner: Anxious to talk and explain.
Much more pliable. State II: Interrogator uses episode from life history as evidence of crime.
Disapproves of prisoner's denials. Punishes him. Prisoner frustrated. (If made to stand many hours may develop circulatory collapse and uremia.)
Hurt by rejection. Strives to please interrogator. Increasingly suggestible. Stage III: Interrogator rewards and approves of the prisoner's cooperation.
Persuades him, suggests half truths, and helps him to rationalize as only
way out. Stage IV: Repetition of stages II and III several times, if necessary. Prisoner
repeatedly and increasingly frustrated by interrogator's refusal to accept statements and by his alternating "help" and withdrawal of approval-becomes more and more suggestible, readily confabulates, rationalizes half
truths. Stage V: Successful rationalization. Satisfactory protocol. "Gentleman's
agreement.” Prisoner feels great relief, may have gratitude and admiration for interrogator.
Dr. WOLFF. The interrogator usually does his work at night. I understand originally this was introduced because they were so busy with other things during the day they could not get around to interrogation until night. It now is a fixed practice because it is believed to have special effects, which I think it does. This continues until a deposition has been made. These are arbitrary stages that I have used, and I have no use except for pedagogical purposes.
The first thing the interrogator does is to befriend him. Let me remind you, you have a man who is utterly dependent and very eager for human contact. So he reviews the life history in great detail, asks him about all sorts of personal incidents in his early life, childhood and development, and the family life of the prisoner. The prisoner is encouraged to talk. A kind of patient-physician relationship is established by this long intimacy and is the medium or the means by which the interrogator partially mollifies and controls the prisoner.
From the beginning he persuades the prisoner that his aim is to help and befriend, with the reiteration that we know everything already and if you will simply be frank and cooperative and confess, we will quickly close this case and you can be discharged.
The interrogator is never completely satisfied with the information rendered, and he is apt to ask more and more. So if a man tells more at once it doesn't seem to save him very much because he is pressed for more and more. On the other hand, if he holds back he can protract this process and even repeat it in some instances.
Any discrepancy in the telling of a life story is interpreted as a lie. Of course it needn't be because discrepancies in life history are common, but it is exploited as lack of cooperation. The prisoner during this period is very eager to talk as, I suggested, and is also very pliable.
In stage two the interrogator begins to use episodes or incidents from the life history of the individual concerning his vulnerability. He may use some incidents or episode of feeling or circumstance out of the prisoner about which he feels rather guilty or self-conscious or uneasy. Then it has the function of further disorganizing him and makes him overly active and anxious and guilty and fills him with conflict.
The next device an interrogator may use is to threaten to withdraw his support unless more cooperation and greater frankness is exhibited. He may use the punitive symbols of causing him to stand or obliging him to sit in certain positions simply to indicate that he is in control and if he doesn't cooperate he may find himself in great trouble.
So the process of befriending and rejecting and befriending and rejecting keeps the prisoner in a very uneasy state, plus the fact that this man has now cemented a very important relationship due to this long and intimate contact, often hours and hours and days, and usually at night. He certainly aims to please the interrogator.
Stage three is one in which there is this backing and filling, rewarding and approving on the one hand and withdrawing support on the other, and finally and with greater and greater emphasis persuading him that, after all, he is a criminal, he has committed certain offenses against the state, and according to the laws of the country, let us say, or the laws of the state he is a criminal and if he would only admit this, this matter could be closed. Therefore Communists and Christians and Catholic all have the same general purpose of helping the common man, and so on. He is gradually able to help him rationalize his position as to the only way out of an intolerable and as far as he is concerned an everlasting experience.
Meantime, the interrogator is looking at his watch, so to speak, because time is closing in on him. He is pressing for conclusion of the case and is bearing harder and harder. The advantage is of course on his side since he gets the powers of rest. The prisoner never has certainty about his hours of rest and is completely uncertain about the turn of events that the next day may bring.
At any rate he becomes more and more suggestible. He is tired, alone, he has no one to support him. He is sure his friends have let him down. Finally, he rationalizes that half-truth which may be edited by the interrogator so that finally more and more words are taken out and he is left with the fact that he is guilty of, let us say, espionage according to the law or of some political crime.
With this rationalization of his behavior he signs the protocol and is allowed to sleep and rest and is better fed. He is given a week or two weeks during which he is prepared for his trial, at which time he confirms for the most part the depositions he has made because he realizes that if he does not he is likely to go through the process again. If he should finally decide in court that he just can't take what has been said about him, the case will be closed at that time, he will be returned to this period in the detention house and the matter will be reviewed until he is again willing to accept the deposition.
Relatively few, probably less than 1 percent of all prisoners ever get to the point of having a public trial. It is a rare and unusual och casion. A certain number of them get to a trial. On the other hand, there are some who never get to trial because they do not confess. There are individuals who under these circumstances do not make a deposition, and they may be arbitrarily dealt with or allowed to remain in detention for an undefined period. But that is uncommon.
The CHAIRMAN. What percentage confess in some manner?
Dr. WOLFF. My guess would be well over 90 percent. What do you think, Doctor!
Dr. HINKLE. Yes, I would think it would be a very small group who do not sign some form of protocol, which is called a confession, because once a man is being placed in a Russian detention prison his case cannot be closed and he cannot be released from this detention prison until a deposition has been prepared which is signed by him and by the interrogator. So except for those very few hardy souls who are prepared to stay in detention indefinitely—and people have been known to stay in these detention prisons as long as 7 years— except for them and those prepared to be shot forthwith, nearly every one signs some form of a deposition. The nature of the deposition is always such that some crime is specified and, therefore, it always amounts to a confession from our point of view.
Senator BENDER. Doctor, you are not theorizing here. You actually have interviewed approximately 30 persons who had these experiences. So this is based on fact and not any book reading, but actual contact with the persons who were so victimized.
Dr. WOLFE. Yes. I would like to add to that that the actual procedures and practices come from the mouths of those who have done them, not only the informers. We have had contact with individuals who have been involved in these procedures.
I would like to emphasize that these people have a very strong and great pride in their background as policemen and as experts in this process. They have no truck with long-haired notions and theories. They are like good cooks who open the stove and see when the cake is right and so on, and they know how to proceed from there. They
are out of sympathy with many of our gadgets, polygraph, for example. They have very little feeling about such things.
The CHAIRMAN. Doctor, did you mean to say that you have interviewed only 30 people?
Dr. WOLFF. That is quite right. We have a certain number of individuals who are practitioners of this craft which I can't specify. Then we have examined about 30 intimately, and we have another less intimate contact with another 30 or so. So I should think our experience is based on 70 or more people.
The CHAIRMAN. Seventy or more. Have you ever interrogated any of their interrogators?
Dr. WOLFF. Yes. I mentioned that as among the experts. They are the experts I have in mind. They are the defectors that I had an opportunity to work with.
The CHAIRMAN. In other words, they actually participated and were assigned the duty of getting confessions from the prisoners, and you have talked with them?
Dr. WOLFF. Precisely.
The CHAIRMAN. Does the information they gave you confirm what the victims had reported ?
Dr. WOLFF. Precisely.
Mr. KENNEDY. Doctor, I think it was also a point that you made that the suspect who signed a confession might be talked into signing by the interrogator saying this is a crime in this Communist country, so let us sign first that you committed this crime. under Communist law or under the Russian law, and then they eliminate under Russian law until finally you are signing a statement saying “I am a spy" or "I committed espionage,” when in fact you started out originally with never any such thought. Is that correct?
Dr. WOLFF. Quite so, sir.
Dr. WOLFF. Precisely. The prisoner becomes less and less critical as he gets more and more exhausted and fatigued and hopeless. So what he would reject at first he is likely to accept at the end.
The CHAIRMAN. For those who may read this record or those who may hear you testify we want to make it very clear that, as I understand it, that this is not just theory, not just something that has been guessed at or there is a possibility it may be so, but it is actual facts, substantiated by the sworn testimony of people who have had the experience, both those who have had the experience as victims of the system and those who have participated in the perpetration of the system and administering the system. Is that correct?
Dr. WOLFF. That is correct, sir.
The CHAIRMAN. The chart being presented will be made exhibit No. 10 and printed in the record at this point.
(Exhibit No. 10 follows:)
EXHIBIT No. 10
The primary work of the interrogator is to convince the prisoner that what he did was a crime.