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Dr. SEGAL. Overall, as a summary statement, these are the cate gories of information which our study includes:

Data on civilian and military background and characteristics, vital statistics on capture and internment, acts of participation committed by men in captivity, acts of resistance performed by these men, their interrogation experiences, their indoctrination experiences, kinds of preferential treatment they received, mistreatment, relationships among the prisoners, their contacts with the outside world, certain traits and attitudes evidenced by the prisoners.

Before going to the next chart I want to add this note about our technique of analysis. In comparing the three groups of prisoners, the participators, the middle, and the resistors, on any one item of information from among the over 300 we gathered, rigorous statistical analyses were used in order to determine the reliability or the statistical significance of any differences found among these groups.

Because of the sampling procedures used it was possible also to describe the total prisoner population, all 3,323 men, with regard to any and all items of information which we gathered.

If I may hold off the next chart for a moment, I should like to describe some of the characteristics of the total prisoner population which may be of interest, some from among the many which are available in our report regarding the total repatriated prisoner of war group.

May I have the next chart, please. (The chart follows:)

CHART NO. 6

WHO WERE OUR PW'S?

Average age at capture-21 years.
Average education-9th grade.
Three-fourths single men.

67 percent-Protestant.

30 percent-Catholic.

3 percent-no religious preference.

75 percent-Regular Army.

85 percent-over 3 years' military service.

50 percent-less than 1 month foreign service prior to Korea. 84 percent-no combat prior to Korea.

1 percent-were PW's before.

Dr. SEGAL. Who were our prisoners of war? Before going into this one additional note might be mentioned. It was mentioned yesterday but it bears repetition, I feel. The Korean effort was a unique kind of war, it would appear, a new kind of war for American fighting men who served as a component of a U. N. police action. As was indicated yesterday, men who were fighting in Korea were not necessarily drawn together and put into combat under the same conditions which might obtain under a large-scale effort such as World War II.

In any case, who were our men? Their average age at capture was 21 years. Twenty percent were 19 years or younger. Fifty-nine percent were between the ages of 20 and 25, and 21 percent were over 26 years old. Their average education was the ninth grade. Forty-four percent of these prisoners of war had completed the eighth grade or less. Thirty-six percent had some high-school education. Fifteen percent had completed high school, with 5 percent having been to college for a year or more.

In terms of their religious preferences, two-thirds were Protestant, 30 percent Catholic, 3 percent no religious preference. Less than 1 percent were Hebrew.

Seventy-five percent of the Army prisoner population who returned were members of the Regular Army. Seventy-five percent had over 3 years of military service. Half had less than 1 month of foreign service prior to Korea. Eighty-four percent had no combat prior to Korea. Only 1 percent were ever incarcerated by an enemy before.

In terms of their rank, 5 percent were officers, 38 percent were noncommissioned officers, and 57 percent were enlisted men.

These were some of the characteristics of our Army prisoners of war who were confronted with a captor who viewed each of them as having a mission to perform for the Communist cause.

What were the Communist goals with respect to this body of men? May I have the next chart, please?

(The chart follows:)

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Acceptance of Communist Ideology

3) TO EXTRACT VALUABLE MILITARY INFORMATION

Dr. SEGAL. Essentially, the enemy had three goals with regard to these men. First and perhaps foremost, to secure propaganda materials for psychological warfare efforts directed toward friendly populations, populations who were sought in the Communist camp.

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Overall among our total prisoner-of-war population, 70 percent the Army prisoners of war contributed wittingly or unwittingly to some degree to the Communist psychological warfare efforts. Thirtynine percent signed propaganda petitions, 22 percent made recordings, propaganda recordings, 11 percent wrote articles for enemy newspapers, 5 percent wrote petitions, 5 percent circulated petitions, 16 percent had full-time propaganda jobs.

Mr. O'DONNELL. Doctor, will you please explain what you mean by the 70 percent? It is not on the chart. Can you go into a little detail on that?

Dr. SEGAL. Yes, sir. 70 percent of all of the repatriated Army PW's made at least one contribution to the enemy's propaganda effort. By that I mean signed one petition or made one confession or made one recording. We have no data on the number of times that each man or any man did such an act. These percentages running from 39 to 16 total more than 70 percent simply because some men may have made and in fact did make more than one propaganda contribution. Does that clarify it?

Mr. O'DONNELL. Yes, except for one thing. Would you explain how you arrived at the 15 percent from the overall standpoint and deleted from the 70 percent down to that 15?

Dr. SEGAL. Our analysis as I indicated earlier was in two parts: First, a description of the total prisoner population, irrespective of their criterion grouping; that is, whether they were resisters or participators or middlemen. These data apply in other words to the total prisoner population. Secondly, I can provide data which describe the proportions of each of the three groups who committed such acts, and, of course, the results are obvious. Those men categorized as participators much more frequently than men identified as resisters or middlemen contributed to the enemy's propaganda function. But for the moment I am not dealing with a comparison of the three groups. I am simply describing the activities overall, irrespective of their grouping. A second goal of the enemy with respect to our prisoners of war was this: By means of a heavy barrage of indoctrination the captor attempted to convert our men to communism as a way of life. There are considerable data in our final report regarding the techniques of indoctrination, and the content of indoctrination which the enemy utilized. May I ask, considering the testimony I heard yesterday, whether would want me now to go into some detail regarding the indoctrination efforts of the enemy directed toward our prisoners of war?

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Mr. O'DONNELL. I might ask you to explain. You said to convert POW's to communism. Was that material or ideological?

Dr. SEGAL. Ideological. To make these men accept communism as a social and economic system above and beyond their prior beliefs and concepts. This is entirely ideological.

Ninety-seven percent of all Army prisoners of war were subjected to indoctrination of one type or another, and those few, those 3 percent who came away from their captivity with no indoctrination, were captured for the most part in the spring and early summer of 1953 just a few months before the end of the war, at the time when the captors' exploitation program was coming to a halt.

The most common method we find used by the captor in his indoctrination program was the simple lecture approach which was experienced by virtually all the prisoners of war.

In addition to these lectures, 83 percent were required to attend group study periods, usually conducted following the lecture session as a part of the regular daily regimen of indoctrination. Smaller discussion groups or conferences were held at various intervals with almost half, 43 percent of the prisoners. Twenty-seven percent took part in socalled spontaneous public gatherings called by the captors.

Beyond these primary techniques the captor used less frequently such subsidiary methods as discussion groups run entirely by the pris

oners themselves. These were experienced by 9 percent of the POW's. Special or voluntary study groups were experienced by 11 percent, and rarely, in 4 percent of the cases, personal individual contacts.

In addition they used a number of indoctrination aids or teaching aids, such as movies, plays, posters, pictures, exhibits, charts, and recordings.

Estimates of the most effective of these techniques were made by some of the prisoners upon their return, and according to the prisoners of war who returned those techniques which connoted a degree of faceto-face contact, of intimacy, between the captor and the captive, were regarded as the most effective. Forty-five percent of the prisoners regarded the lectures as most effective, and beyond that personal contacts were thought of as an effective indoctrination technique.

Mr. O'DONNELL. Doctor, does the personal contact refer to the walking conference which was explained by Captain Cumby?

Dr. SEGAL. Yes, sir; I would guess this as analogous to Captain Cumby's description.

What about the content of the indoctrination, the themes which were expressed: In general, the social and economic merits of communism and the sins of American capitalism served as a major current of thought stressed in indoctrination. What communism had done for China and the well-being of the Russian farmer, for example, were contrasted with the exploitation of the American worker and social discrimination in the United States. The peaceful intentions of the Communist world were detailed against the backdrop of American aggression, germ warfare, atrocities, and corruption in American politics and government. Instruction in the idealistic lives of famous Communist personalities such as Stalin, Marx, and Lenin, were presented together with the descriptions of warmongering predispositions of Roosevelt, Truman, and the Wall Street capitalists.

The indoctrinators may have hit closer to the immediate concerns of the prisoners by stressing also the uselessness of the Korean war as a concrete demonstration, along with the occupation of Formosa by the Seventh Fleet, of the American propensity for starting imperialistic wars-I am quoting now-for the benefit of the minority ruling class. To what degree these ideas stirred in the prisoners a personal acceptance of communism as a way of life is something which I will describe in just a moment.

The captor also made special concerted attempts to persuade Army prisoners that the United States had used bacteriological warfare techniques during the Korean War. 82 percent of the Army prisoners heard bacteriological warfare lectures, and these were given primarily by the Chinese themselves, but less frequently by Air Force prisoners of war.

Ten percent of the returning Army prisoners of war report having heard bacteriological warfare lectures by Air Force personnel. It may have been the same Air Force man or any number of men. We have no data on that score.

It is significant, we feel, that only 3 percent of the prisoners of war were allowed to have personal contact with these Air Force prisoners. The avoidance by the captor of this personal informal approach when overall in his indoctrination efforts he used this to some degree may have indicated to the Army prisoners that their lecturers were not entirely convinced of their text.

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Very briefly, very much a part of the indoctrination program was the heavy diet of Communist news received by the prisoners in contrast to the virtual absence of non-Communist sources. All but a handful of the Army prisoners were exposed to enemy news media during their internment. Without going into the percentages this included radio broadcasts from Korea, a large number of periodicals from China, from Western European countries, from the United States, radio broadcasts, loudspeaker broadcasts any number of media were utilized by the enemy in flooding the American Army prisoners of war with a steady unrelenting diet of communist controlled news.

Mr. O'DONNELL. Was the Daily Worker among that group? Dr. SEGAL. Yes, sir. The Daily Worker of the United States and of London.

Mr. O'DONNELL. San Francisco publication?

Dr. SEGAL. Yes, sir; a number of American publications. I don't have the data on that but I recall a number of such publications being mentioned by returning POW's.

In contrast to this heavy flood of Communist news only 11 percent of the prisoners received non-Communist news of any type during their internment. Over half of these were simply in the form of sports and local clippings from letters that came from home. Of the 11 percent, twenty percent received non-Communist magazines sent from the United States, five percent got non-Communist books, and only a small handful of prisoners ever heard unbiased news broadcasts on POWbuilt radios, radios which the prisoners themselves managed to build. It is significant that only 1 percent of the Army prisoners of war in Korea ever received friendly psychological warfare leaflets from the UN or the United States psychological warfare team in Korea. For the most part non-Communist news delivered to the prisoners were innocuous kinds of things unrelated to the steady line of propaganda and indoctrination given in the Communist news sources. We have also data on a percentage basis which need not be detailed, on the restrictions which the enemy placed on the amount and the quality and the content of letters which the prisoners were allowed to receive. These were censored in most instances, and the number which they got was severely limited as well. Six percent of the prisoners got none, and of the remainder half got less than 30 letters during their entire internment. We have no data on the number of letters that were written to these men.

Mr. O'DONNELL. That would indicate a very strong censorship; is that correct?

Dr. SEGAL. There is evidence of a completely strong censorship on the part of the captor; yes, sir.

Mr. O'DONNELL. Do you have any data as to the type of letter that might have been available to the prisoner of war whether it might have been disheartening to him in any way?

Dr. SEGAL. I have no data on that, but I have heard reports on that, and I believe one of the subsequent witnesses has a firsthand account of such purposeful malicious type of censorship.

One point should be made clear, that there is a great deal of evidence from basic psychological research, not on prisoners but just in general, that when an individual is subjected to a homogeneous flow of opinion and news, even the most intelligent individual, has a tendency

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