official occasions, but to which at other times he did not give much thought-very much like the average Englishman's attitude to the English Royal House. Bismarck (who certainly had no illusions about the German Princes of his day) says in a well-known passage of his 'Reflections and Reminiscences' that this 'particularist patriotism' was a psychological necessity to the German mind; and the late Baron Marschall von Bieberstein, himself a Badener, once told the writer he believed it would outlive the Empire. Perhaps it will.

When the time came for parting, most of the Sovereigns left on excellent terms with their subjects. There were exceptions. The Duke of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha was very unpopular, partly for personal reasons, partly because he had recently enclosed, for game-preserving, large areas of Crown forest land which had previously been unfenced. The Duke of Brunswick, a member of the reactionary House of Hanover, has aroused indignation by claiming delivery of the contents of the court museums and libraries and of the ducal castles, or their value in cash, as his private property-which unfortunately, under the law governing the possessions of the Ducal House, they appear to be. He left Brunswick for Holland immediately after the collapse. So did the Grand Duke of Oldenburg; and the last-named has since contrived to remove large numbers of the pictures from his castles to Holland. He, too, would presumably not be welcomed back. On the other hand, the Duke of Anhalt has presented almost the whole of his rich collections, together with one of his castles, to the Anhalters. Of the rulers of the larger States (excluding Prussia) only the King of Saxony has left Germany. He and the King of Würtemburg and the Grand Duke of Baden were all popular with their subjects. But perhaps the most popular of all the German Princes at the present time is the Grand Duke of Hesse, who continues to live on one floor of the Grand Ducal Palace in Darmstadt, where he studies philosophy and indulges & well-known taste for the Arts.

In none of the small States are any efforts being made, apparently, either by the Princes or by their peoples, in the direction of Restoration. The Princes, it is said, are diffident of acting independently of the two

bigger States, Prussia and Bavaria. The peoples consider the ban of the Entente to be still binding. The question is more actuelle in Prussia and in Bavaria. In both of these States there still exist powerful political partiesthe Conservatives (now called German Nationals) and the National Liberals (now called German People's Party) in Prussia, and the Clericals in Bavaria-who openly advocate the restoration of the Monarchy in principle, though both realise that at the moment nothing can be done in the matter. On the other hand, in both States, but especially in Prussia, to which most of the industrial districts of Germany belong, there is the solid republican phalanx of the Social Democratic Party. The Republicanism of the Social Democrats is no academic tenet of the party leaders. That it extends to the actual workers was shown by the success of the general strike, which was called at the time of the monarchist Putsch in 1920. It is not perhaps that the workers are so much enamoured of republican state forms in themselves, as that they identify Monarchy with the old régime, which they regard as responsible for their misfortunes.

For the moment the prestige of the Social Democrats is very high in Germany. The public feels that on the whole they have risen to the occasion in an hour of national disaster, and made the best of a bad situation. But the Social Democrats are not all-powerful. At the 1920 elections they polled (Majority and Independent Socialists together) 40-4 per cent. of the total votes; and they now govern by a coalition with certain of the bourgeois parties. The bourgeois parties all together, but without the Centre (Clericals) and without one or two Independents, polled 41.2 per cent. Bourgeois and Socialist accordingly are equally balanced; and the Centre holds, as it has always held since the founding of the Empire, the balance. The Centre is itself both bourgeois and Socialist. It represents the whole Catholic population in Germany, from the reactionary peasants of Bavaria to the radical artisans of Westphalia. For the present it is co-operating with the Social Democrats. It has accepted the Republic, and, a party, does not include monarchical restoration amongst even the academic items of its programme.

It might be expected that the Centre would look with

favourable eyes on the restoration of such a good Catholic dynasty as the Wittelsbachs of Bavaria. A large majority of the Centre voters in Bavaria is undoubtedly in favour of an immediate restoration of the Wittelsbachs; and, though there is a strong minority of Socialists (the two Socialist Parties together hold 45 out of the 156 seats in the Bavarian National Assembly, the Clericals having 77 of the remainder), it is probably not strong enough to give the majority pause, if the leaders of the Centre were inclined for action in the matter. But the Centre leaders feel that the cause of Monarchy in Bavaria cannot be isolated from the same cause elsewhere. To restore the King of Bavaria would raise the question of restoring the King of Prussia; and to raise the question of the King of Prussia would ipso facto raise the question of the German Emperor. By which time, it is thought, the Senegalese would be in Berlin,

Meanwhile, for the Monarchists in Prussia, there are other difficulties besides the attitude of the Entente. If the Monarchy were to be restored, who would be the Monarch? The ex-Emperor William is not seriously considered. The Germans, it is true, do not regard him as the English do, or till lately did, as the evil genius of the war. Much sympathy is expressed with him; and there was even some attempt to interpret the striking scenes which occurred at the funeral of the Empress as a manifestation in his favour. But the Germans cannot forget how his dilettantist autocracy broke down under the stress of war. They know that he was the plaything of the military chiefs, powerless where he alone was in a position to exercise power. His final exit was of a piece with his attitude throughout the war. Even if the Entente were to allow it, Germany would never take him back. Moreover, he has abdicated. The natural claimant would therefore be the ex-Crown Prince. The Crown Prince has been dragged down by his father's fall. The English picture of the Crown Prince is an absurd caricature. In his day he was not unpopular in Germany. But his political upbringing is suspect; and such indications as he has given of his political attitude have failed to impress the Liberal element in Germany while they have offended the Militarists. If the Empire is to be restored, the Germans

want either a very strong Emperor or a very stupid one carefully trained on English lines in the duties Constitutional Monarchy. The Crown Prince would b neither. His eldest son might be a possible candidate In particular, the public have confidence in the training which he has received from his mother. The Crow Princess is not only a great lady in the best sense o those words, but a very clever and enlightened woman and is respected and liked by all. But the Crown Princ has never renounced his rights to the crown; and, unti he was known to be prepared to do so, it would obviousl be impossible to take any steps with a view to hi son's succession. At every point, therefore, th Monarchist in Germany at present encounters obstacles To say that a dynasty like the Hohenzollerns, to which Prussia owes its very existence and Germany the mos prosperous fifty years in all its recorded history, ha disappeared for ever from the history of Centra Europe would be rash. But for the moment its chance appear exiguous in the extreme. And with its fat appear to be bound up for the present the fates of th other dynasties of the German tribes.

The case of the Hapsburgs is fundamentally different It is a circumstance of first-rate political importance which has been the chief factor in inducing three State containing 42 millions of people to enter into ar offensive and defensive Alliance, that the Empero Charles has never abdicated or renounced his rights to the Austrian Imperial Crown. The return of all the twenty-two dethroned German rulers would probably not alter appreciably the position in Germany, and could not in any case affect the settlement of Versailles. The return of a Hapsburg to Budapest or Vienna, on the other hand, would instantly throw into the melting-po the two settlements of St Germain and Trianon, and its effects would most probably be felt throughout Centra Europe. In Germany, as has been explained, whateve the future may have in store, restoration is not a present a question of practical politics. In the lands o the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, on the other hand, the question is alive and burning.

One of these lands, Hungary, by an official act of

Government has declared itself to be still a Kingdom, with a Lord Protector* acting as Regent for the absent Monarch; and its Ministries and Legations have reassumed the prefix of 'Royal' (under a Ministerial Order of March 23, 1920). The ex-King himself, in spite of his abdication of the Hungarian Crown (communicated by letter to Count Michael Karolyi on Nov. 13, 1918), has made one attempt (in March 1921), which in the opinion of some dispassionate observers very nearly succeeded, to reascend the throne. At the moment of writing (September 1921) there are rumours in certain circles in Pest and Vienna of an impending second attempt. Given certain changes in the existing international situation, a second attempt might conceivably be more successful. Louis Napoleon made, not one, but two unsuccessful attempts before he succeeded in restoring the Napoleonic Empire in France. And the return of King Constantine to Greece in the teeth of the ban of the Entente is a precedent not a year old.

To all appearances the old ruling class in Hungary, which the present régime has replaced in the saddle, is more or less uniformly monarchist. The peasants, who represent 65 per cent. of the population, probably agree with the politicians, or at any rate would follow their lead, as they have been accustomed to do for centuries. The industrial workers in the towns, who supported the Bolshevist experiment of Bela Kun, are doubtless republican. But Hungarian industry, in spite of its remarkable achievements during the past fifty years, does not account for a large percentage of the population, and is not well organised for making its voice heard. So far, therefore, as the Hungarian people as a whole are concerned, it is probable that, if the Monarchy were to be re-established, they would welcome it without any considerable dissent.

The position in Austria is very different. Monarchism in Hungary is a positive and active creed. In Austria it is negative and passive. The distinction lies partly in the character of the two peoples. The Austrian is

This seems to be the best translation of Admiral Horthy's official title (Kormányzó). It is not the equivalent of 'Palatine' or 'Viceroy,' and it is a higher title than 'Governor' in the English or American use of that word. In writing he is addressed as 'His High Excellency' (Fömeltósagor).