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in 1465, 'Anglica, Anglicorum et Scotorum natio vocatur.' This union of the two races in medieval Universities was due, no doubt, to the ancient conception of Britain as a single province of the Roman Empire. The fact, however, that the kingdoms of Scotland and of England were distinct, came gradually to be recognised. The English and the Scottish form a single 'nation' for university purposes, but their distinct nationalities are admitted. In 1534 the Scottish nation' was formally separated from the English; but, on the union of the Crowns in 1603, the two became one 'nation' again, and remained so as long as the medieval constitution of the University existed, that is, down to about the middle of the 18th century.

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At Padua a nation' was not reckoned in being' unless at least three members of that nationality were present at the University. But the non-existence of a 'nation' was not held to destroy the office of Consiliarius of that 'nation'; and in cases where a 'nation' was not ' in being,' owing to the lack of national students, the jus supplendi, the right to fill that nation's' consiliarial office, belonged, in the case of all Ultramontanes, by immemorial custom to the German Jurists-a right to which they clung tenaciously, as it might, on occasion, give their nation' the preponderance at the election of the Rector, and therefore in the government of the 'University.' This secular privilege led to frequent friction between the English and the German 'nations.' In 1673, the University Commissioners decided that the jus supplendi universally belonged to the German nation,' but in 1684, the Scottish Consiliaria being vacant through lack of Scots, the Germans attempted to fill it. The English claimed that the right to do so belonged to them, on the ground that the Anglo-Scottish nation was an individual unit, and, so long as there were English students in the University, it fell to them to fill the vacant Scottish Consiliaria, and that such representation did not violate the general German privilege. The Bishop of Padua settled the dispute in favour of the English 'nation.'

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The first English Rector of whom we have record is John Chelworth, Archdeacon of Lincoln, elected in 1407; and he is followed by a Thomas or Selvaggius de Anglia,

of uncertain identity. Then comes a long interval, down to 1604, when Ludovic Evans was elected Rector, and named Richard Willoughby, Galileo's friend, as his Vice-Rector. From this period onwards, either because of the expense involved in holding the office, or for some other reason, we find that Rectors cease to be elected, and their place is taken by Pro-rectors. During the Prorectorship of Henry Lindsay, a Scot, elected in 1640, it was found that the University silver mace had been pawned. The Pro-rector was so shocked that he insisted on the Jurists redeeming the mace and passing a statute which forbade the recurrence of the scandal. Lindsay's coat of arms may be seen in the atrium of the Bò, the name by which the University buildings are known to this day. When Richard Collins was Prorector in 1688, the Senate of the Republic abolished the right of the Rectors, Pro-rectors, and Consiliarii, 'porre memorie in Bue,' that is, the right to affix their arms and inscription on the walls of the Bò. Collins went to Venice to defend the ancient University privilege, but the Senate refused to cancel their decree.

Padua University was famous from the first as a school of Jurisprudence, and during the 16th century it also acquired a world-wide reputation as a school of medicine, thanks to the presence of such distinguished teachers as Vesalius, Fallopius, Realdo Colombo, and Fabricius of Aquapendente. The faculty of Law and the faculty of Arts, under which was included medicine, drew to the Venetian University such illustrious personages as Reginald Pole, who entered as student in 1521; known and fêted as 'the King of England's cousin,' or as 'Monsignor d'Inghilterra.' Pole came to Padua with a large train of servants, and occupied a house of his own. He remained five years at the University, but we do not know whether he took his degree. Francis Walsingham was Consiliarius for the English nation in 1555; and Harvey received his degree in 1602; and, on the strength of that,diploma, Cambridge incorporated him in its Doctorate, a proof of the high esteem in which the Paduan 'laurea' was held.

There was another reason, however, which served to attract not only Englishmen but all Protestant students to Padua during the 16th and 17th centuries. The

enlightened government of the Venetian Republic, with a view to stimulating concourse to its University, permitted a far larger freedom on religious matters than could be found in any other Italian seminary. Not only were non-Catholic students safe from molestation, but they had the privilege of burial in the Church of the Eremitani, a privilege based, no doubt, upon the ancient right of the German 'nation,' in pre-reformation days, to sepulture in the Eremitani or at S. Sophia. Richard Cave, who was Consiliarius of the Anglo-Scottish 'nation' in 1607, died in Padua in August of that year; and Sir Henry Wotton, English Ambassador at Venice, reports to Lord Salisbury, on the last day of August, that the body had been brought from Padua to Venice and conveyed thence to Malamocco, where it was buried at sea, as Sir Henry Rochester's had been shortly before. 'He might,' says Wotton, 'doubtless have been buried in any of the churches here, or we might, without public leave, have found means to lay him in the Eremitani at Padua, where the alamaigns of all religions are buried with Popish rites'; but, as Cave 'hated foreign fooleries,' he was committed to the Adriatic at Malamocco.

It was soon after this, and perhaps in consequence of it, that, through the negotiations of Sir Henry Wotton, and at the request of King James, a burial-ground at San Nicolò del Lido was conceded to non-Catholic foreigners. Later, in February 1721, a young Scot, Andrew Wauchope, only son of William Wauchope of Niddrie Marischal, was killed in a duel at Padua and buried in the Monastery of Padua,' which we may presume to have been the Eremitani. It is certain, however, that such privilege did not secure for Protestants the requiem æternam of an unrified grave. Not so many years ago the Dutch Government sent a man-ofwar to bring back, from a tomb in the Eremitani, the remains of a young Prince of the House of Nassau, known to have been buried there. The tomb was opened, but the bones it contained were not human.

The matriculation books of the Jurists belonging to the Anglo-Scottish 'nation' have been published with an interesting study of the subject by Prof. J. A. Andrich. They begin with a William Hanrod of Lincoln in 1373; and, down to the close of the 16th century, the entries

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usually conveyed some record of personal marks, scars, warts, malformations, or colour of hair; for example, on March 28, 1595/6, Rogerius Comes Rus[t]landiæ' is entered 'habens unguem læsam pollicis dextri.'

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The Artists' matriculation lists are missing; but in the Library of the Episcopal Seminary at Padua is a volume, Codex 634, which contains the autograph signatures of British subjects, English, Scottish, or Irish, who visited Padua University, either as students or as tourists, between the years 1618 and 1765. The list has recently been published in a volume of Memorial Studies,' issued to celebrate the centenary. It is clear that this register was originally intended to record the names of all those British students who had been matriculated, either as Jurists or Artists, and then enrolled in the Anglo-Scottish 'nation,' after paying the entrance-fee of eighteen Venetian lire to the Bedel of the 'nation,' whose duty it was to keep the roll. But, as time went on, the character of the book changes. It ceases to be exclusively a list of students, and comes to include the names of British tourists, artists, statesmen, men of science and men of letters who visited the University, and from whom, no doubt, the Bedel exacted his fee.

The entries number over two thousand and are all autographs, which very much enhances their value, and they include such interesting signatures as those of Jos. Addison, Grahame Claverous (sic), Rochester, Montros, Henry St John, Juxon, of many other English and Scottish noblemen, and many members of the Royal Society of London. Under the date March 3, 1700, we find evidence of the secular relations which bound the Universities of Oxford and Padua; a certain Mr Talbot Stoner has been charged by the University of Oxford to convey to the Bedel of the Anglo-Scottish nation' at Padua a donation of money

'ne interiret demum vetus illa necessitudo quæ sorores inter Oxoniensem et Patavinianam Universitates semper intercessit, Alma Oxoniensis auri munusculum Anglicæ nationi Bidello perferendum commisit. Fidem liberavit, munus obtulit Talbot Stoner.'




THE lurid manifestations of the Non-Cooperation movement have sensibly abated during the last two or three months, and flaring headlines about India have vanished from our newspapers. With other 'sensations' to turn to, people in this country are inclined to assume that, Gandhi having been arrested and Mr Montagu dismissed from the India Office-though there was no connexion whatever between the two events-the dark clouds which had gathered on the Indian horizon have happily dispersed, and that nothing more than a continuance of 'firm' government is required to restore the Indian people to a proper mood of placid contentment.

The surface waters are certainly less stormy. The belief had begun to gain ground in India, just as before the Mutiny, that the days of the British raj were numbered. When Lord Reading went out, he had more to learn than he was perhaps aware of. He promptly invited the apostle of Non-Cooperation to Simla and parleyed with him for a week, the one visible result being, not that the Viceroy had definitely prescribed to Gandhi the limits within which Non-Cooperation could be tolerated, but that Gandhi openly proclaimed a boycott of the Prince of Wales' visit as soon as it was officially announced. The rebuff to Lord Reading was all the more marked in that the visit was known to have been sanctioned from home on the Viceroy's insistent advice. Lord Reading was just as openly flouted by the Ali brothers, who for a time escaped prosecution by his acceptance of obviously fallacious 'assurances' of which they promptly demonstrated the futility by importing greater violence than ever into their Caliphate propaganda, until it culminated in the Moplah rising and the appalling outburst of Mohamedan fanaticism, of which the defenceless Hindus of the Malabar coast, who had never heard of the Treaty of Sèvres, had to bear the brunt. Gandhi's Swaraj propaganda, which appealed more to the Hindus than to the Mohamedans, permeated the peasantry, who were taught to believe-and how could they refuse to believe so saintly an ascetic?-that, with the advent of Swaraj, of which he eluded any precise definition, they would, if tenants, no longer have to

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