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that empire take precisely the same view of the foreigner' as the Tories of our quarter sessions and our House of Commons. It was, therefore, with great apprehension that Lord Elgin learned, on arriving at Yedo, that the enlightened Prime Minister, Bitsuno-kami, whom we take to be an advanced Whig in the scale of Japanese parties, and who had just before concluded the American treaty with Mr. Harris, was no longer in office; a crisis had occurred in the cabinet, and the Tories had just come in. Nothing could be more unpromising than such a revolution in the direction of affairs: but here again, we have fresh occasion to admire the flexibility of the Japanese character and their native readiness to adapt themselves to the exigencies of constitutional government. The Tories, it is true, were in; but so was Lord Elgin. Prohibition was the basis of the constitution of Japan; once gone, the sun of the empire set for ever. But the fatal preliminaries had already been opened. The Daimios and the Saimios had already surrendered the approaches of the capital to the insidious stranger. In a word, the Japanese conservatives did precisely what Lord Derby and his colleagues were doing at about the same time. They hastened to assure Lord Elgin that he would get a much better treaty from them than from that rascally Whig, Bitsunokami; and to do them justice, they surrendered the bulwarks of Japan with a grace of which Mr. Disraeli himself is not yet a

master.

Mr. Oliphant's account of the negotiation is amusing, and increases our liking for this people, whose motto really ought to be seria ludo-they laugh over serious things, instead of making laughable things very serious.

'Before proceeding to work, our guests sat down with great readiness to luncheon, and made formidable inroads upon the ham, the dish of all others which they most highly appreciate. They also indulged freely in champagne; indeed, so conscious were they of the risk attending these libations preparatory to entering upon business, that Higo facetiously expressed a hope that the Treaty would not taste of ham and champagne.

After luncheon we adjourned to Lord Elgin's sitting-room, where his Excellency and the Commissioners seated themselves round the table and mutually exhibited their full powers.'

'Now that we had really settled down to work, everybody lighted a pipe or a cigar, and although, as regarded from a red-tape point of view, the general aspect of the scene may have been somewhat informal, a great deal of business was accomplished. It was necessary, however, to get over a difficulty in the first instance, arising from the necessity which the Commissioners felt of being watched. It unnatural thing for them to transact business except in the presence of government and private spies, so they formally requested

was an

that a certain number of these gentry should be allowed to be present during the conferences. This was of course objected to by Lord Elgin, his Excellency remarking that there were already six Japanese Commissioners to one English Minister, and that any further accession of force on the other side would be manifestly quite unfair. On which the Commissioners neatly enough replied, "that it did indeed "take six Japanese heads to cope with such an English head as they "saw before them, and that, in fact, they felt quite unequal to the "task." The matter was ultimately compromised by the presence of one secretary being allowed in addition to the indispensable Moriyama.

'We were now able to enter upon the body of the Treaty, and very soon discovered that the Commissioners manifested the greatest acumen in the discussion of points of detail, never resting satisfied until they thoroughly comprehended the rationale of every question raised. Once, indeed, so serious a difficulty arose, that, to create a diversion, some one proposed that we should have some cha (tea), upon which Lord Elgin suggested cha-pagne, an amendment which caused infinite merriment, and which was carried by acclamation. The Japanese have a keen appreciation of the ludicrous, and many a knotty point was solved by bon mot; indeed, to judge by the perpetual laughter in which they indulge, they are for ever making jokes. Higo was the wit of the party, and was often in consequence not only inattentive himself, but apt to distract the attention of the others. It was evident in the twinkle of his eye when he was meditating a pun. His observations, nevertheless, upon business matters, whenever he condescended to make them, were always shrewd and to the point.' (Vol. ii. pp. 37.)

Mutato nomine de te-the resemblance to the Derby Administration is nearly perfect.

Upon the final signature of the Treaty a dinner was given by Lord Elgin to the Commissioners, and the following ludicrous scene occurred:

'At last the final act was concluded, and Lord Elgin informed the Commissioners that, it being the habit among loyal Englishmen to drink the health of their sovereign, he was now about to propose that toast, This was evidently a custom entirely new to them; and they had scarcely had time to comprehend its meaning before their ears were startled by the noisy "honours" with which it was immediately followed. Quickly taking their cue, however, the threetimes-three had not been rung out before it was lustily joined in by our guests. The next toast was the health of his Majesty the Tycoon, which was no less uproariously responded to, the Commissioners by this time having arrived at a pitch of enthusiasm and champagne which made them enter warmly into the proceedings of the evening. "When you in the West want to honour a person especially, you roar and shout after your meals. It was a curious custom, but they understood it now." Indeed, to prove it, Sina-nonokami, a very grave old man, during a dead pause in the conversation,

suddenly started to his feet and emitted a stentorian cheer, after which he sat solemnly down, the effect on the rest of the company being to produce an irresistible shout of laughter.' (Vol. ii. p. 225.)

In the course of these discussions, although they were conducted, we doubt not, with as much courtesy on the one side as on the other, much must have arisen to surprise, perhaps to alarm, the Japanese ministers; for the stake between the parties was not equal, and concessions which would only add some trifling advantage to the wide and general interests of England, might affect in an essential manner the very existence of Japan. Yet such was their consummate address and good breeding that no instance was witnessed by the Embassy of a Japanese losing in any degree his self-command and good temper. Thus far, then, the experience of Lord Elgin and Mr. Oliphant confirms the favourable impressions of the Japanese character which have been recorded by old Kæmpfer and by St. Xavier, centuries back; and these are shared by the more recent residents.

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'Mr. Harris spoke in terms even more eulogistic than those universally employed by the Dutch, of the Japanese people. His residence among them, under circumstances which compelled him to form intimate relations with them for they were his only companions - only served to increase his high opinion of their amiable qualities and charming natural dispositions. He told us numerous anecdotes illustrative of this, more especially of the extraordinary attention shown him by the Emperor and Empress on the occasion of a serious illness which he had suffered. The Emperor insisted on sending his own medical man to attend upon him; while her Majesty delighted in providing him with culinary delicacies prepared by herself, and suited to his state of health.'

And the same kindly spirit appears to pervade the social and domestic relations to a degree utterly unknown in any other Eastern country, and not very common in the Western world.

'Universal testimony assures us that in their domestic relations the men are gentle and forbearing, the women obedient and virtuous; and in every department of crime, we have reason to believe that the amount of grave offences committed against society is less in proportion to the population than that of other countries. All the Dutch writers unite in extolling the excellence of the native tribunals, and their competence to deal with criminal, and give satisfaction in civil causes. We could only judge by the result. As locks and keys did not exist, our rooms were open to the incursions of any of the numerous attendants who swarmed about our lodgings, and though we left the most tempting English curiosities constantly displayed, yet we never had to complain of a single article missing, even of the most trifling value.

'I thought it singular that, during the whole period of our stay in Yedo, I should never have heard a scolding woman, or seen a disturbance in the streets, although, whenever I passed through them, they were densely crowded. Upon no single occasion, though children were numerous, did I ever see a child struck or otherwise maltreated. Kæmpfer, Charlevoix, and Titsingh agree in saying that the love, obedience, and reverence manifested by children towards their parents is unbounded; while the confidence placed by parents in their children is represented to be without limit. Parents select their children to be arbitrators in their disputes with others, and submit implicitly to their decisions; it is also a constant practice for parents to resign their state and property to a son when he shall have attained a suitable age, remaining for the rest of life dependent on him for support; and abuse of this trust is said to be unknown.' (Vol. ii. p. 205.)

We trust these impressions may be permanent and that nothing may arise to shake our confidence in them. Much depends on the Europeans themselves who may frequent the ports of Japan or obtain an entrance into the country; and it is incumbent on all persons who may enter into communication with this remarkable people to remember that Christians, as well as those we call barbarians, have a character to uphold and duties of self-restraint to perform. We know enough of the darker side of the Japanese character. They proved themselves in the course of that revolution which led to the extirpation of Christians and the ejection of foreigners a haughty, fanatical, and cruel people when provoked. Probably the same causes would even now lead to the same results, and place us in the painful alternative of hostilities or humiliation. We devoutly hope, for the honour of civilisation and for the interests of mankind, that no such catastrophe will occur. But whilst we deplore the gross vices of sensuality which, in some respects, degrade and pollute Japanese society, and the superstition which enthrals them in thirty-five different forms of idolatry, we must leave to a Higher Power these questions of morality and of faith. Speaking the language of human affairs, we discern much in the existing institutions and government of Japan which commands our respect, and we sincerely hope that the benefits we may derive from the opening of that empire by Lord Elgin's treaty, will be returned tenfold upon the natives of the country, who have confided in our honour and good faith. Certain it is that the name of Lord Elgin will ever be most honourably associated with this mission; and that the volumes in which Mr. Oliphant has related these transactions will be read with the strongest interest now, and deserve to retain a permanent place in the literary and historical annals of our time.

ART. V.-History of Europe, from the Fall of Napoleon in 1815, to the Accession of Louis Napoleon in 1852. By Sir ARCHIBALD ALISON, Bart., D.C.L. Vols. II.-VIII. Edinburgh: 1853-59.

SIR

IR ARCHIBALD ALISON has completed, under the title of a "History of Europe' during a most eventful period of contemporary history, a work which first arrested our notice by its prominent demerit. Within seven years he has attempted to pass in review all the nations of Europe from 1815 to 1852-not fearing, it would seem, to hold that relation to future historians, which Milton draws between the self-deluded spirits who ran Pandemonium up in a day, and the laborious constructors of Alcairo and Babylon. On the publication of his first volume, which contained a summary of the whole work, we pointed out its leading blunders and misstatements; but in the seven volumes which have followed it, the author has done little but expatiate on the fallacies, and develop the medley of fiction and fact, which he had shadowed forth in outline. From each of his chapters we draw theories and arguments, not only opposed to ascertained truth, but directly contradicted in the chapter which succeeds it; and from his assertions of fact, a perfect vivarium of canards historiques. It is thus often needless to confute the opinions of one who, while affecting to instruct others, is really learning his own lesson, and bewilders his reader by answering himself.

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So far, however, as the prevalence of self-contradiction permits these volumes to have an intelligible aim, they are designed to portray what the author terms the ruin of the old world,' and distinctively that of Great Britain. This ruin appears to be ascribed to the concurrence of five causes successively brought into operation since the year 1815: namely, first, the disastrous contraction of the currency, which, by the way, had the unanimous sanction of both Houses of Parliament; secondly, the criminiferous system of public education, which all parties are now anxious to promote; thirdly, the preference of 'revolu'tionary' to legitimate' alliances, which the Tories, before they left office in 1830, had compromised; fourthly, the error of Parliamentary Reform, which the Tories, in 1858, undertook to extend; and fifthly, the adoption of Free Trade in meat and corn, to which the Tories in 1852 avowed themselves reluctant converts. Such are the five points of the Alisonian charter; and it is against this array of paradoxes that Sir Archibald

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