place for the benefit of mankind so striking as the emancipation of the greater portion of the human species without injury, nay, with the greatest benefit to the rest? Not only the slave-labour of an assemblage of paupers of all ages and conditions can never answer as a profitable speculation, but we know that the slave-labour of convicts in the hulks, men selected as fit for labour, cannot be brought to repay the expense of their maintenance. In fact, slavery is as inapplicable to the present state of Europe as it is odious in itself, and it has been gradually superseded by hired work, because that was found more profitable to the employer. And here again another beneficial distinction has arisen from modern activity; what was once universally labour by the day, is now done by task-work, as far as the nature of every employment admits; even in agriculture, to which task-work, generally speaking, seems inapplicable, every favourable occasion is taken for introducing it, and with no small benefit in those counties where the payment of labour being partly defrayed from the poor rates, active or meritorious labour had become absurd, and the day-labourer was gradually lessening his exertions. Indeed, had not the principles of task-work intervened with convincing proofs to the contrary, the powers of the human body might seem to have become effete in these latter times, daylabourers in husbandry having lessened their exertions and shortened their hours of labour very considerably within the memory of man. Of the three kinds of labour, we may say that slave-labour is performed with discontent, day-labour with indifference, and task-work with alacrity and pleasure; luckily for mankind, the debtor and creditor account of the employer shews a corresponding result. Thus much in general. But in the workhouse system many other obstacles and hindrances peculiar to itself occur, which render the profit ridiculous and the loss enormous to all the parishes which have adopted it. How, then, it will be asked, do we find, after the experience of many years, that nearly one hundred thousand human beings are still shut up without apparent motive, each earning on an average the miserable pittance of* sixpence a week, and costing above a shilling a day for maintenance? Whatever might have been the original motive for establishing workhouses, that of profit from the labour of the inmates, and of economy in their maintenance has long since ceased. The way,' says Sir Frederick Eden, *See Poor Returns of 1803: in the third column it appears that the expenditure in workhouses was 1,016,445l; in the tenth column, that the number of persons then in workhouses was 83,468, and in the ninth column that they earned in that year 71,079. At sixpence per week per head, they would have earned 108,508/. which may be near the truth; as where the poor are farmed by the master of the workhouse, the value of the work done is unknown. The average cost of maintenance in workhouses was 12l. 3s. 6d. in 1803; add the increased price of food and house rent, and one shilling per head per day will appear a moderate estimate at the present time. in which these workhouses on their first establishment effected a reduction in parochial expenditure, was by deterring the poor from making application for relief; many of the poor were thus spurred on to labour for a livelihood, who would not work as long as they were permitted to receive a weekly allowance from the parish.' Mr. Gilbert's act of 1782, (which was intended by its author as a temporary expedient,) afforded this unforeseen motive, as well as new facilities for the erection of workhouses, by empowering parishes to unite for that purpose; very few such unions took place, till recourse was had to it as a refuge from the authority of magistrates, who at that time, by an excessive and unthinking liberality in their orders for relief, threatened the tenantry of whole districts with ruin. Few things can be more unjust, nothing can be more dangerous, than to empower any man, or set of men, to exercise the popular and pleasant function of bountiful alms-giving at the expense of others. All the kind and social qualities of human nature were set in array against the cruelty of overseers, and for a certain period of time the persons who received parish relief fared much better than the generality of those from whom it was extorted. In consequence of this, money was borrowed by the latter to enable them, by building workhouses under Mr. Gilbert's act, to escape from the intolerable tyranny under which they laboured. This resource, however, is now cut off, and hundreds of parishes are burthened with a heavy debt, whose workhouses stand empty, having indeed become useless from a cause which we would rather explain in the words of the Poor Law Committee than in our own.-" The workhouse system, though enacted with other views, yet for a long time acted very powerfully in deterring persons from throwing themselves on their parishes for relief; there were many who would struggle through their difficulties rather than undergo the discipline of a workhouse; this effect however is no longer produced in the same degree, as, by two modern statutes, the justices have power under certain conditions, to order relief to be given out of the workhouses.' We shall not venture to go further into this topic than to make an observation which applies particularly to the subject of workhouses, and generally to that kind and degree of sensibility which is incompatible with the more essential feelings of justice. When those who live in superfluity, or even in decent competence, enter a workhouse or a cottage, they cannot avoid being struck with any thing which appears less comfortable or less neat than their own manner of living; for being accustomed to see no other, this is the only evidence by which they can judge. Hence it is, that a workhouse which has been erected for that purpose, is usually the best house in the parish, and this not in country parishes only; the suburbs of the metropolis furnish numerous instances of this folly, though though not so notorious as those which induced a foreigner to remark on the different appearance of our palaces and of our public hospitals. The building and furniture of a workhouse must be unusually mean, where the lodging of each pauper confined in it does not cost five or six pounds per annum, in interest of money expended in building, and in furniture and in the repair of both. The food and raiment of a workhouse pauper, in 1803, averaged at 157. per annum, so that above 201. is expended for the sake of confining a person, who, for a fourth part of that sum in weekly allowances, would gladly quit the place and obtain his liberty. Thus the useless wretchedness of one party is bought at the expense of the other; and the industry of a number of valuable men lost to the community in the odious occupation of guarding and managing these receptacles of vice and idleness.. Our limits do not permit us to enter into further details as to the prudential or moral* effects of workhouses, but as the sum expended in this manner amounts to a fourth part of the total expenditure on the poor, the subject deserves to be brought under the special consideration of the public. We shall now proceed to sketch rapidly the several points which are insisted on in the Report of the Poor Law Committee, not only as it goes to the examination of the expedients, which, at the present time, are proposed for the reformation of these laws, but as it includes a most distinct enunciation of solid principles, without which the question cannot be rightly discussed; and if in our observations we should venture to doubt the expediency of certain suggestions which have obtained their approbation, or to propose any new principle of our own, we are confident that by such an enlightened committee we shall not be looked upon as impertinent intruders into their province, but as endeavouring to contribute to the general stock of information, and even of speculation, on a subject as difficult as it is necessary to be thoroughly understood. The committee commence their Report by noticing the ancient statutes respecting the poor; nothing however beyond the repression of beggary, and the pauper police, necessary and common, no doubt, to all European states, appears anterior to the reign of Elizabeth. In her fifth year, (1563) a compulsory assessment for the relief of the poor commenced, and this well-intended law was regulated and enforced by successive enactments of the 14th, 18th, and 39th years of this queen's reign, till, in her 43d year, (1601) the system was consummated by that statute which continues to this day the fundamental and operative law on the subject. "This new and important principle of compulsory provision for the This subject is treated in a masterly manner by Mr. Davison, pp. 48–56. impotent, impotent, and for setting to work the able, originated, without doubt, in motives of the purest humanity, and was directed to the equitable purpose of preventing this burthen falling exclusively upon the charitable. But such a compulsory contribution for the indigent, from the funds originally accumulated from the labour and industry of others, could not fail in process of time, with the increase of population which it was calculated to foster, to produce the unfortunate effect of abating those exertions on the part of the labouring classes, on which, according to the nature of things, the happiness and welfare of mankind has been made to rest. By diminishing this natural impulse by which men are instigated to industry and good conduct, by superseding the necessity of providing in the season of health and vigour for the wants of sickness and old age, and by making poverty and misery the conditions on which relief is to be obtained, your Committee cannot but fear, from a reference to the increased numbers of the poor, and increased and increasing amount of the sums raised for their relief, that this system is perpetually encouraging and increasing the amount of misery it was designed to alleviate, creating at the same time an unlimited demand on funds which it cannot augment; and as every system of relief founded on compulsory enactments must be divested of the character of benevolence, so it is without its beneficial effects; as it proceeds from no impulse of charity, it creates no feelings of gratitude, and not unfrequently engenders dispositions and habits calculated to separate rather than unite the interests of the higher and lower orders of the community; even the obligations of natural affection are no longer left to their own impulse, but the mutual support of the nearest relations has been actually enjoined by a positive law, which the authority of magistrates is continually required to enforce. p. 4. Having thus described the mode of operation, and the effect of the poor laws, with excellent brevity and precision, the committee proceed to examine the recent proposals (especially those which may be called parliamentary) for various modifications of the general principle of assessment on real property. The first in order is that which seeks to assess personal property also: this, no doubt, is within the intention of the law, as it is within that of the land tax act; but it has failed in both instances, and must for ever fail, unless the same powers of inquiry which have been so unpopular for the enforcement of the income tax, be accorded for this purpose. This can scarcely be advisable; and the proposal for assessing the property invested in the public funds, exclusive of any other personal property, not only labours under the difficulty of determining in aid of what parishes such assessment ought to be applied; but it is not the opinion of the committee, nor can it be, we suppose, of any large portion of the public, that either justice or policy would permit a tax to be imposed on money lent to the state, while sums at interest on other securities remain practically exempt.' p. 7. 6 * Poor Law Report, p. 6. VOL. XVIII. NO. XXXVI. The lic,) and besides this danger of wholesale fraud, in detail every claimant on the society is regarded with an evil eye, and many ousted from benefit on frivolous pretences. But setting aside the incompetency of Benefit societies to provide relief beyond cases of sickness, (because we suppose the committee have further views,) and setting aside the drunkenness and debauchery connected with them, of which ample evidence* was produced, the political consequences of these societies in large towns is not to be slighted, most of them indeed forming the ways and means by which workmen in all trades are enabled to combine against their employers. It is matter for serious consideration how far such things may have tended to produce that spirit of resistance against all that are set in authority over us,' the effects of which are daily more and more apparent. We must beware of whatever facilitates political combination,-whatever leads men to establish little senates of their own, more likely to form Catilines than Catos. Already the highest courts of judicature are degraded below the lowest in the liability to disrespect and insult; and if the disposition which has thus audaciously been manifested be not checked, it will soon prevent the punishment of any crime for which the populace shall think proper to proclaim impunity. Saving banks are liable to no such abuse: they are unequivocally good in their beginning, end, and operation. It is a little remarkable that the habit which they tend to generate and foster should be reprobated as selfishness by a witness who was examined before the Poor Law Committee, and whose evidence in other respects bore marks of sound judgment; as if such a degree of selfishness (usually termed prudence) were not precisely the quality which constitutes personal respectability, and in its extent the bond of every society in which property is well secured,—that is, of every civilized nation upon earth. Two curious instances are adduced of parish farms, by means of which the poor-rates are said to have been lessened; but such establishments are generally objectionable, for the same reasons which have always prevented parishes from carrying on any trade so advantageously as individuals; and the failure of such a farm would involve a waste of capital injurious to the public, as well as the particular parish. But this species of imprudent speculation is not likely to be very extensive. We entertain much greater apprehension of a plan somewhat allied to it, because it recommends itself under the seducing guise of benevolent patronage and liberality,the COTTAGE FARMS, of which specimens are given in the Appendix to the Poor Law Report. We must be permitted to dilate a little on this subject. All the comforts and conveniencies of life, beyond bare subsist*App. Poor Law Report, p. 134. ence, |