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Haydn, in which, after declining to write a comic opera for the theatre at Prague, because, in that species of writing, the great Mozart cannot be equalled by any other composer, he continues tbus :

• If it were in my power to impress upon every lover of music, and especially upon our great men, a proper sense of the inimitable works of Mozart; if I could make them feel their beauties with the same ardour and conviction with which I comprehend and feel them; all nations would rival each other to have such a jewel among them. I am vexed and angry with the world, not yet to see this great, this incomparable Mozart engaged by some imperial or royal court. Pardon my digression- I love the man too much

The compositions of Haydn and Mozart cannot be properly compared with each other; for although they are both distinguished by profound science, and by the variety and beauty of their melodies; by the boldness of their modulations and the free use of semi-tones; yet their characters are essentially different. Mozart excelled in operas, in the invention of beautiful airs, and the proper adaptation of his instrumental accompaniments, which are full of grace and elegance, and unexpected combinations of harmony. Haydn is unrivalled in the number and variety of his symphonies and quartetts. But it 'is a great proof of the genius of Mozart, that, even in this species of composition, which is Haydn's forte, (although Mozart has written very few quartetts, and still fewer grand symphonies,) it may be questioned, whether the best of each of them is not superior to the most favourite composition of his rival. Haydn made it the business of his long life to collect materials, which he gradually reduced to order by dint of study and meditation; while Mozart's ideas were scattered around with all the profusion of unbounded wealth, and the confidence of a never-failing source. Thus Haydn had most diligence; Mozart most genius. It is not, however, our intention to enter into an analysis of the productions of these great composers; the works of Haydn bave long been familiar to every one who has music in his soul;' and the manner in which operas have lately been selected, performed, and encouraged in London, will by. degrees enable an English audience to understand those of Mozart, which never produce their full effect till they have been often heard.

At present his operas labour under a great disadvantage, which we almost despair to see remedied, because it arises in a great measure from the nature of our opera establishment. The orchestra contains a host of excellent musicians, who are so delighted with Mozart's accompaniments, that, in the finales and other full pieces, each performer, particularly on the wind instruments, plays



as if the whole effect of the composition depended upon his individual instrument being heard. The consequence is, that the audience cannot always hear the singers. But, until this orchestra can be taught, that it is their business to accompany, and not overpower the voices, Mozart's operas will never be properly performed in England. Ours is not a musical nation ; but we are anxious that in this, as in all the fine arts, our taste should be formed by hearing the best models perfectly executed.

Haydn and Mozart have established a school of music which unites melody with scientific harmony; avoiding, on the one hand, the dry and laboured productions of the old contrapuntists, and manufacturers of fugues and canons; and, on the other, the modern compositions and compilations of mere melodies, with meagre or inartificial accompaniments. The basis of this school is science; its ornament, its enchanting attraction arises from the variety of new and beautiful melodies on which that science is employed; but whenever the pupils of this school attempt to substitute novelty and trick, or mere execution and sleight of hand for melody and science, they betray their own want of genius, by departing from the course pointed out by Haydn and Mozart.

Handel is not to be confounded with this or any other school; he stands alone; he has been aptly called a giant in music;' and his weapons could only be wielded by himself. His early departure from his own country, and his encouragement in England, soon gave a direction to his mighty powers, which produced a se ries of compositions, animitated and inimitable, and forming a class by themselves. He has long guided our national taste in music; and it is no small proof of his excellence, that we still return with increased pleasure either to his simple pathetic melodies, or to bis scientific harmonies, after the finest compositions of his successors. Haydn was present at the Commemoration of Handel in Westminster Abbey, in 1791; and heard his principal works performed by more than six hundred singers and four hundred instruments; and, during the performance of his sublime oratorio of the Messiah, he said, thoughtfully, · This man is the master of us all.' Mozart placed him above all other composers; he knew his principal works by heart; and used to say, 'Handel knows best of us all what is capable of producing a great effect; when he chooses, he strikes like the thunderbolt !'

The length to which this Article has extended will not allow us to consider the Letters on the Genius of Metastasio, and on the present State of Music in Italy. We have principally confined our selves to the biographical part of the work, because the history of man appears to us more interesting than that of music, and because !

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it is generally tiresome to hear described the music which it is delightful to hear performed: this has, in some measure, prevented our giving a more full and perfect view of the various matter which it contains. In conclusion, the lives of Haydn and Mozart are interspersed with so many entertaining anecdotes, so many valuable remarks on the merits and peculiarities of composers and singers, both ancient and modern, that we feel obliged to the translator for having made us acquainted with them; and fully agree with the observation in his preface, that the work contains more musical information, in a popular form, than is to be met with in any other of a size equally moderate.'

Art. IV. The History of Brazil. By Robert Southey. Vol. ii.

410. pp. 718. THE former volume of Mr. Southey's History conducted us to

the revolution of 1640, when the Portugueze shook off the yoke of Spain, and called, by popular acelamation, the Duke of Bragauza to the throne. The Brazilians cordially partook in the joy of the mother-country. The Spanish garrison of Bahia was surprized and disarmed; but, with equal generosity and wisdom, suffered to depart for the colonies of their own sovereign. Joam IV. was proclaimed, and a vessel dispatched to the Dutch at Recife with intelligence of an event which was so likely to terminate the hostility between the two nations. In the meautime the new cabinet of Lisbon was engaged in very anxious negociations with that of the Hague on the subject of Brazil and India, in both which regions some of their most important colonies were now occupied by the arms of Holland.

The Portugueze, on their side, pleaded that they had been only engaged in war with Holland compulsorily, and in consequence of an usurpation, from which they had now freed themselves; that their connexion with Spain being for ever dissolved, the conquests which the Dutch had made from them during that connextion ought, in equity, to be rendered back. But, however generous such a policy might have been, and however consistent with true political wisdom in the Dutch to make very large concessions in favour of a new ally, and one who had followed their example in emancipating itself from the Castilian tyranny; it was plain that the Portugueze had no claim on their justice for acquisitions made in fair and open war, during which, whether willingly or not, the whole strength of Portugal had been brought to act against them. The expedient which was adopted was by no means an uvfair one. A truce for ten years was agreed


on between the two nations in Brazil and India, on the foundation of an uti possidetis,' and reserving the discussion of their respective claims to a negociation for a general peace, which was to be entered upon eight or nine months after this agreement. In the meantime, as in Europe they had no grounds of disagreement, the United States undertook to dispatch immediate succours to Lisbon of men, arms, and money.

By these terms, which were as favourable as the Portugueze, in their present condition, had any right to espect, the new king was spared the mortification of being obliged to commence his reign by alienating any of the ancient possessions of his crown; while a ten years' lease of their conquests was, to the Dutch, a privilege little short of a grant of them in perpetuity. Possessed, for that time, of the richest and most compact district of Brazil, it would have been in their power, (had they employed to the best advantage the means in their hands,) by conciliating the Portuguèze planters; by supporting and encouraging the Jews and new Christians; by giving full scope to the labours of Protestant missionaries among the Indians, (inany of whom had already shewn a disposition to improve then selves extremely encouraging,) and by favouring by all possible means those swarms of German and English colonists, which the

poverty of the first of these nations, and the religious differences of the latter might have been expected amply to furnish, to render it absolutely impossible that their present territory in Brazil should ever return under its former master. Nor would it have been difficult, as may be thought, to induce the Portugueze, at length, not only to cede, with a good grace, what they could have no hope of recovering, but to surrender also the northern provinces of Maranhan and Para; for which, on the side of Paraguay and the Plata, very ample indemnities might have been obtained by the united force of the two nations, at the expense of their common enemy.

These advantageous hopes, to which Maurice of Nassau was well qualified to give reality, were defeated by the bad conduct of the Dutch West India Company. Their first and leadiog error was a misconception of the Portugueze character, and an opinion that it was utterly impossible that they could have the means or the courage to maintain the independence which they had asserted against the overwhelming weight of the Spanish monarchy. This is not the only instance in which the national spirit and strength of Portugal bas been thus under-rated; and so strongly was the suspicion now felt in Holland, that some wiseacres were convinced that the whole revolution was nothing more than a political juggle, and that the King of Spain had pretended to lose Portugal for the sake of cozening the Dutch out of the conquests which they had made at her expense. But the doctrine being held that Portugal must eventually return mder the yoke of Spain, it became a matter of prudence with the West India Company to prevent the colonies froin following the fortune of the mother-country. To this end no means appeared so certain as getting possession themselves of as many as they could conquer; and for this conduct, so utterly at variance with the spirit of the truce just made, its terms afforded them something like a pretext. In consideration of the distance of the Indies, a year was allowed to them for notifying the treaty to their commanders there, with a proviso that, if the intelligence arrived sooner, the cessation of arms should take place immediately. While, therefore, the Portugueze, on the first news of the arrangement, honourably withdrew from Pernambuco some of their irregular troops, who were carrying on a predatory and most harassing warfare in the very heart of the Dutch territory, the governors of Holland wilfully delayed the official notification, while they sent private directions to Nassau to make the best of his time in seizing all the strong places which he had the means of attacking. These infamous orders were executed, with the additional infamy of sending out the expeditions under flags of truce. An unprepared and unsuspicious antagonist could offer no effectual resistance; and, within the year, the troops of Nassau were in possession of Seregipe, Maranham, and the African settlements of St. Thomas and Loanda. From this villainy, (for it deserves no softer name,) the consequences followed which it merited, and which might have heen expected. The forces of the Dutch, already barely sufficient for the great extent of territory in which they had to maintain themselves, became still weaker by being dispersed. Their soldiers and seamen, as if sensible of the bad cause in which they were engaged, seem to have conducted themselves with less zeal and spirit than they did before. The Portugueze governor of Bahia, conceiving himself at full liberty to follow the treacherous example which they had given him, watched eagerly for any opportunity which might occur to injure them; and the truce at length began, one party having done a great wrong, and the other being determined to avenge it, by fomenting discord, and by whatever else of private mischief might be practised without open hostility.


In the meantime the Dutch were guilty of no less grievous errors in the administration of the provinces under their power. It is a singular fact in the history of most free governments, that their citizens are, of all others, Jeast disposed to amalgamate with the inbabitants of those countries which they subdue, or to pay any proper respect to their institutions and prejudices. The iron does. not mingle with the clay: he who values himself on the freedom

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