way to those of the manufacturer. (no, no!) He then went on to speak at length on the wonderful progress which this country had made in civilisation: in support of which, he would quote, he said, an extract from the speech of a noble lord, not less distinguished for the boldness of his oratory than for the versatility of his genius. "In 1774," said the noble lord, " commenced the most remarkable, the most brilliant, the proudest epoch of the human race. The mines of this country, and of Wales especially, teeming with wealth, were, for the first time, explored. Pouring out their treasures to the upper earth, they not only aggrandised their possessors, but were instantly worked into innumerable tools, engines, and machinery, of the most exquisite and vigorous description; by which rocks were blasted, trees felled, forests cleared, the earth broken up, and the produce wrought into the finest manufactures. The infinite skill and ingenuity of the machinists were exerted upon the wealth which the bowels of the earth poured out: the spinning-frame was invented, and, by the steam-engine, the most extraordinary feats were performed; by a new power, the sphere of human potency was enlarged, and a new existence, as well as a new measure of the earth, secured to man. The whole face of nature was changed by the agency of art; and this country became what she now is, and what, God forbid she should ever cease to be,-AN IMMENSE WORKSHOP."

There was a good deal of applause amongst a knot of blacksmiths and bricklayers, who had got together in the middle of the hall; but otherwise, this wonderful climax did not seem to take with the shrewd people of Churchover. They did not appear to be at all aware that England had really become one great workshop; nor, if it had been so, were they disposed to consider it "the most brilliant and

the proudest epoch in the history of man;" or a state of things, for the continuance of which they ought devoutly to pray.

"But," continued Mr. Wiggins, "if the cornlaws were not repealed, the sun of England's glory was set for ever. Was it not time for us to be anxious, when we heard that other nations were actually beginning to manufacture articles for themselves? France supplied herself with cotton goods; Saxony made her own cloth. The Belgians ate their dinner with their own knives and forks; nay, he was credibly informed that the Swiss had begun to import raw materials; and what, he justly argued, could they want raw materials for, if it was not to supply themselves with goods of their own manufacture? And he asked triumphantly, whether they were likely to take our manufactures if they could supply them for themselves? (hear, hear! from both sides.) Mr. Wiggins next adverted to the extensive countries which were ready to consume our manufactures, if we would but take their corn in return, instead of buying it from our own farmers. Poland, for instance, the peasants all wore sheepskins, which they put on with the wool inside in winter, and outside in summer: (loud cries of hear, hear!) would it not be charitable to send these poor people some of our manufactures, in order that they might be more respectably clothed? In short, if we did but avail ourselves of our opportunities, and repeal these odious corn-laws, we might, like Athens and Sparta, extend our commerce to every quarter of the globe."

In

Mr. Wiggins's speech evidently had considerable effect on some of the wider-mouthed amongst his auditors; he spoke with confidence and fluency; and when he sat down the applause was considerable.

The mayor then called on Mr. Walton, who was

to move the counter-petition. Mr. Walton's name was received with hearty cheers; and the people listened very attentively, for they knew that, if they were not entertained with a very fine flowery harangue, they should at least hear some good sound

sense.

Mr. Walton began:

Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I have listened with attention to the arguments brought forward by the mover and seconder of the petition for the repeal of the corn-laws; and though I do not profess to be gifted with the same eloquence as the gentleman who has just addressed you, yet I think I shall be able to shew that his arguments are not so conclusive as some appear to think them, and that his illustrations make rather against than in favour of his position.

In the first place, allow me to express my sincere regret that this question should be made a partybusiness, or considered as a collision between those two most important classes of men, the manufacturers and agriculturists. God has placed the landlord and manufacturer, the labourer and mechanic, together; he has cemented us in one great nation; and it is my firm belief that our interests are bound up in one, so that what is good for one is good also for the other, and what is hurtful for one is hurtful for the other. Do not let us allow our passions to be inflamed against each other; let us rather be willing to make some sacrifices of self-interest, if it be for the general good. (hear, hear !)

Mr. Wiggins has dwelt at large on the evils which are likely to result to our manufacturing interests from the activity which is springing up amongst other nations, and this activity he has attributed to the corn-laws. But I must beg leave to differ with him entirely; and will undertake to prove

that our corn-laws have nothing at all to do with the proceedings of the nations which he mentions, and which have resulted from circumstances over which

this country has no control. I need scarcely remind you, that for many years France was convulsed by revolution, and afterwards her provinces were drained of their population, to furnish conscripts for the armies of Napoleon. The revolutionary mania of France, which disorganised and desolated her own towns and provinces, produced the most disastrous effects in other countries of Europe. Belgium and Germany were the scenes of marchings and countermarchings of contending armies. Every mountain and valley of Switzerland was contested inch by inch by the troops of France and Russia. England, meanwhile, by the blessing of God, enjoyed domestic peace, and, owing to her insular situation and other advantages, was enabled to extend her commerce, and introduce her manufactures into every quarter of the globe. But now that peace is again restored to the different nations, how can we wonder, and what right have we to grudge, that they should desire to enjoy the same advantages with ourselves? How can we expect that they should continue to take our manufactures, when they find that they can supply them by their own industry? Is not each government bound, as Mr. Wiggins has said, to encourage the industry of its inhabitants? There can be no doubt that they ought to do so, and will do so. The revival of their manufactures is therefore the natural result of the continuance of peace, and has nothing whatever to do with our system of corn-laws.

But, says the honourable seconder of the petition, there are many other countries the inhabitants of which would buy our manufactures, if we would take their corn in return. (hear! from Mr. Wiggins.)

But then I would beg to ask, what is to become of our own corn-growers? (hear, hear!) If the inhabitants of Churchover and the neighbourhood refused to buy their goods from their own shopkeepers, how are the tradesmen of this place to get their living? (loud cries of hear!) So, if our manufacturers will not deal with their neighbours, but buy their corn from other nations, must it not be utter ruin and annihilation to our own agriculturists? Consider for a moment what would be the immediate and certain effect of the repeal. The manufacturer consumes a certain quantity of corn; at present he buys it from our farmers: you say, let him buy it from foreigners. See what must immediately happen. The farmer, having no demand for his corn, of course allows his arable land to go out of tillage; he has no inducement to cultivate it, if he cannot dispose of the produce. Now, we all know, that it is on the cultivation of the arable land that the main occupation of our labouring population depends. Therefore, by throwing the arable land out of cultivation, the employment and the wages of the labourer are at once stopped. And who is to find employment for the village blacksmith, and wheelwright, the waggoner, the village tailor, and shoemaker, and shopkeeper, when the labourers get no wages, and the farmer no profits? (hear, hear!) Then, again, there can be no rent. The landowner must shut up his house, or greatly lessen his establishment; and thousands of servants,-butlers, footmen, grooms, coachmen, gamekeepers, cooks, housemaids, ladies' maids, must be at once thrown out of employ. What is to become of them? where are they all to go? where, but to the cotton manufactory or the workhouse? In short, if the manufacturers will no longer take the farmers' corn, there will be a complete disarrangement and breaking-up of all our social system.