of arriving at a preliminary atmosphere or preliminary agreement upon policies, don't you see, for the purpose of bringing about pacific settlements. Senator SMITH of New Jersey. Senator Austin, when you use the words "pacific settlement" are you thinking in terms of peaceful settlement or an area of the world? Ambassador AUSTIN. Pacific Senator BREWSTER. With a small "p." The Korean consultation: I omitted to state in the opening on this point that there was a third branch to his work in the Interim Committee, and that was the one that related to the use of the veto. The three points that he handled were the Korean consultation, the pacific settlement procedure, and the veto. TEMPORARY COMMISSION ON KOREA Now, on Korean consultation, the Temporary Commission on Korea created by the General Assembly at its 1947 regular session arrived in Seoul on January 8, 1948. This was the time when the United States forces occupied the southern part of Korea and Soviet forces the northern part. Under its terms of reference the Commission was authorized to reserve elections to be held for the purpose of selecting Korean representatives with whom the Commission could consult about prompt attainment of freedom and independence of the Korean people. plan was to have these representatives establish a National Government of Korea. The In connection with its work, the Commission was authorized to consult with the Interim Committee. That was an authorization by vote of the General Assembly. Since the Commission found that the Soviet authorities would in no way cooperate with it, it did consult the Interim Committee in February of 1948, and as a result of its consultation the Interim Committee expressed the view that it was incumbent upon the Commission to carry out its mandate in that part of Korea accessible to it. This the Commission proceeded to do, and the result was the constituent assembly and elections leading to creation of the Republic of Korea. The United States was instrumental in encouraging the Commission to proceed to observe elections in the southern part of Korea, and the Interim Committee's advice was agreed to by a vote of 32 in favor, 2 against, and the rest either abstentions or absences. A marked copy of Dr. Jessup's opening speech is hereto attached. I would like to unattach it and leave it with the committee. They may save their time if they wish by reading only those parts that I have underlined or margined. These are margined because they point right to his attitude. You will see what his attitude was in this first work. Senator BREWSTER. Was Dr. Jessup Chairman of this Commission? Ambassador AUSTIN. He was my Deputy, and therefore was the United States in that Interim Committee. Senator BREWSTER. Was he Chairman of the Commission, also, or was he simply a United States member? Ambassador AUSTIN. I think not. I can't say who was the Chairman at that time, but I think he was not. 89965-51--21 Senator SMITH of New Jersey. Let me get this clear, Senator Austin. He was not on the Commission; was he on the Interim Committee? Ambassador AUSTIN. He was on the Interim Committee, the Little Assembly, acting in vacation. Senator BREWSTER. Was there a committee and a Commission? Senator AUSTIN. Oh, yes. The committee is the committee that went to Korea. They represented the General Assembly. Senator SPARKMAN. Was it to function while the General Assembly was not sitting? Senator AUSTIN. The Interim Committee was to function. The committee in Korea is still functioning. Senator SPARKMAN. The Commission in Korea is still functioning. Senator SMITH of New Jersey. The Commission in Korea is different from the committee we are talking about. Ambassador AUSTIN. We haven't any committee in Korea. If I said "committee," I am in error. It is the Commission in Korea. Senator SMITH of New Jersey. This Interim Committee was not in Korea? Ambassador AUSTIN. Oh, no. The Interim Committee is the alter ego of the General Assembly. Senator SPARKMAN. It was a committee set up by the General Assembly to supervise the Korean situation while the General Assembly was not in session. Ambassador AUSTIN. Yes. Senator SPARKMAN. And the Commission in Korea worked under the Interim Committee while the General Assembly was not in session. Ambassador AUSTIN. Yes. Senator BREWSTER. I want to be clear as to the position which Dr. Jessup occupied, because there has been, I think, a little confusion which has arisen. When he went to Korea, what was his exact status? Senator SMITH of New Jersey. I understood he did not go to Korea. Ambassador AUSTIN. I have no knowledge of his going to Korea. Senator BREWSTER. You mean he did not go to Korea at all? Ambassador AUSTIN. I have no knowledge of it. Senator BREWSTER. That is what confused me. You spoke of when the Commission arrived in Seoul, and so on. Ambassador AUSTIN. After he had discontinued with us, 1 understand that he was an Ambassador-at-Large who went into the Far East, but that is not under my jurisdiction. Senator BREWSTER. That is not what you are speaking of here. In January 1948, which is the date you spoke of that the Commission arrived in Seoul-commission or committee, which was it? NO UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE ON U. N. COMMISSION ON KOREA Ambassador AUSTIN. The Commission of the United Nations, the United Nations Commission on Korea. It consists of representatives of the various countries. Senator BREWSTER. Who was our representative on that Commission? Ambassador AUSTIN. We had none. Ambassador AUSTIN. No. The United States did not have a position on that. It voluntarily avoided becoming, under the charge of bias and interest and so forth, involved. We wanted the benefit of a service there that would be free of the charge that, well, the United States controlled it. Senator BREWSTER. Would you have someone provide us with the names of the members of that Commission, unless we have them here? You need not delay now. Ambassador AUSTIN. We will do that; yes. (Additional information was supplied to show that the United Nations Commission on Korea consists of the following:) Senator BREWSTER. Where did Dr. Jessup come into this picture? I am still not clear. Ambassador AUSTIN. He came to Manhattan and sat with the Interim Committee at Lake Success or at Flushing, wherever they met. Don't you see? The number of that committee was the same number as the members of the General Assembly. Senator BREWSTER. Sixty? Ambassador AUSTIN. Approximately. At that time it was less than that, but that is the idea. Senator BREWSTER. You assigned him to look after these Korean matters as rather in his sphere of activity? Ambassador AUSTIN. That is right. Senator BREWSTER. And it was in that connection that he made this report and presented the situation? Ambassador AUSTIN. That is right. Senator SMITH of New Jersey. Was that prior, Senator Austin, to the setting up of the thirty-eighth parallel as the division line? THIRTY-EIGHTH PARALLEL Ambassador AUSTIN. No. Wait a minute. This question of time. is interesting. The thirty-eighth parallel was merely an arrangement between the military of the United States and of the Soviet Union to receive surrender of the Japanese troops, don't you see? Those north of that line were received by the Soviet Union, those south by the United States, and it happens that that thirty-eighth parallel so divided that country that two-thirds of the population of Korea was south of the line, and therefore when this Commission went ahead under the advice of the Interim Committee and supervised elections for the whole of Korea, they were made effective over the larger part of the population of Korea, that south of the thirty-eighth para But they were not effective simply because of the Russian or S opposition, through its puppets north of the thirty-eighth de one of the countries that unfortunately today is behind the iron curtain. I talked with Karl Stefan at the San Francisco meeting on the Japanese Peace Treaty Conference, and I know how hard he worked there in order to get some work to those people that were representing his country. His first efforts were unsuccessful but one day on the conference floor I suggested to him that the Czechoslovakian delegation was sitting not very far from us, and suggested that that might be an opportunity to go down and talk to them. He said, "I have already had that privilege." He said, "I have had some very pleasant conversations with them." So I know that right to the very last he was working in the finest exemplification of Americanism. Senator BREWSTER. Mr. Chairman, I entered Congress with Karl Stefan 17 years ago, and through the intimacy of our families we were thrown together very frequently, even when we were in separate Houses. I do not think I have ever known a finer American, and one that more exemplified the characteristics which can alone preserve our country. SIXTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE U. N. Ambassador AUSTIN. Members of the committee, speaking of the Sixth General Assembly about to convene in Paris, we now have 58 items on the agenda, among which are such important items as the control of atomic energy, the question of Korea in all its aspects, both military and political and humanitarian; I think there are two or three items on that point dividing the character of the work that we must do there, and we have a very important report from the Economic and Social Council. It covers those aspects of the effort at building security against aggression through the means of constructive work of lifting up the people of the earth who are now suffering from the lack of education, lack of food, clothing, and housing, lack of information of how to help themselves in agriculture and industry, and very important evidence of assisting in the development of peoples who are not self-governing. They constitute a large element of the population of the world, and our program which gets a recommendation under that item involves the work of the trusteeship council, and an effort to raise them up to the point of self-government at least, and untimately independence. Senator SPARKMAN. Mr. Ambassador, will you pardon my interruption? My memory plays me tricks. Our committee decided in the beginning that all witnesses would be sworn. Will you stand and raise your right hand, please? Do you swear that the statements you give to this committee shall be the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Ambassador AUSTIN. I do. I have take that oath as a man and as a lawyer already, and it is engraved on my heart. I am trying to say that I believe on the record before us of the preliminry agenda it is clear that we have a demand for the highest talent, for the greatest character possible in the personnel of the delegation of the United States to this General Assembly. Now, I do not derogate any past Assembly. They, too, needed, and I think they had, very fine personnel, strong men and women. We need it this year, too. A COSMOS FOR EACH GLOBAL REGION And in considering, as I shall, the character of Dr. Philip C. Jessup, 1 consider it from the point of view as chairman of the delegation to that kind of an Assembly, that needs the highest statesmanship, the most excellent qualifications for passing upon hunmanitarian and international legal questions-they are all involved here-and it needs a man like Dr. Jessup and all these others here who have the principles and policies of the United States of America as part of the fiber of his being and their beings, so that at no time throughout the great stress and storm which we are sure to experience in that Assembly in Paris will there be any failure of ability or morality or patriotism or courage or the skill to represent this great country amongst 59 other countries who are affected by many different and varied views. I speak of this because it is commonly not well known that we have to consider and deal with not merely national interests and habits, customs and religions and psychologies and physical conditions and material wealth and military strength, but we also have to consider on all such grave questions as we will encounter in that General Assembly that there is a cosmos for each of these regions around the globe that is sort of individual. We have a cosmos among the American States. There is also a regional cosmos in Western Europe. There is another among the British Commonwealth of Nations. There is a distinct one in the Middle East. And the Far East, of course, is just unfolding and coming out with its own personality, as it were. We have to take into account the regional interests, the regional customs, habits of thought, their illusions of logic, our own illusions of logic, and of course the adaptation of truth and these principles of the United Nations to the problems that come to us in that General Assembly will require the very finest citizenship and skill and spirituality. That is what guides me in what I am about to say to you about Dr. Philip C. Jessup. Now, I am not going to argue that he is so-and-so. What I propose to do, if you permit it, is to turn to his works. By his works you will know him. And I am dealing with a period in which I had the most advantageous opportunities to observe him and to follow his course and to bring to you his record, and the record will speak to you rather than I. I don't suppose you want me to say anything further about the general view of the scene, do you? I am willing to, if you do. I might say in closing on that point, although I abjure the idea of prophecy, yet there are certain guesses that come from experience and existing facts that I make about that General Assembly that do not appear on the agenda. They come out of such affairs as the Stockholm Peace Appeal, the World Peace Council, and all the little side shows in the United States and Britain and other places around the world that have undertaken to appropriate that word "peace" in the interest of communism. All the while that they mouth the word "peace" their hands are preparing or making the aggression which carries out Communist imperialism and world revolution. And we are not going to be ex |