sider to be a fundamental principle, namely, that we should not impose the form of government but that the form of union and government, as stated in the United Kingdom amendment should be the choice of the people of the territories. Mr. Chairman, this suggestion for an amendment of the draft resolution regarding Libya, seems to us to be a proper amendment and we shall support it. Now, I have no doubt, Mr. Chairman, that other delegations as they examine the draft resolution and the report of the subcommittee will have other proposals to suggest in the way of clarification of language or in the way of introducing some other idea which seems to them more appropriate for the solution of the problem. We shall be glad, Mr. Chairman, to study any such amendments in the same spirit in which the subcommittee has considered the various proposals which were laid before it. So long as the suggestions contribute to the great objective which I have stated at the outset, namely that the United Nations should not fail to discharge its responsibility for settling this problem at this session, we shall be inclined to support it, with the second proviso, which I have also stated, that the adoption of any such amendment or change or alternate proposal should not do violence to these fundamental principles which we must keep in mind, namely, the wishes and interests of the inhabitants, and the peace and security of the area.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR JESSUP, PLENARY SESSION, NOVEMBER 18, 1949

[The following paragraph was underlined for emphasis by Ambassador Austin:]

Mr. President, in the view of the United States delegation the result of the deliberations of the First Committee on the question of the disposal of the former Italian colonies is one of the most gratifying achievements of this session of the General Assembly. I believe it will be agreed by all of us that this problem, involving the fate of millions of human beings and the disposition of more than half a million square miles of territory, is one of the most complex and difficult problems which has yet been placed before the United Nations for solution. The four principal Allied powers were unable to resolve this problem and referred the question to the General Assembly in accordance with the provisions of the treaty of peace with Italy. They agreed in advance to accept its recommendations in the hope that this body will be able to succeed where the Four Powers had failed. If now in this Assembly we shall through our combined wisdom be able to find a solution based on justice and the basic principles of the Charter, we shall have achieved a great sucess. We shall have marked a milestone in the development of the United Nations as an instrument truly capable of solving even the most difficult of the problems facing the world today. We might well hope that this example will encourage in the future the reference of other similar problems to the United Nations for solution when efforts through bilateral or other narrower means of negotiation fail. Secretary of State Acheson pointed out in his address to this Assembly on September 21: "The development of this precedent might well assist the settlement of various other political problems by special agreements, in advance, to accept recommendations of the General Assembly or the Security Council, or, in legal questions, the determination of the International Court of Justice. Through such advance agreement additional services can and should be rendered from time to time by the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations."

The work of the Political Committee in reaching the recommended solution of this problem has not been easy. The draft resolution which Committee One has presented to us is an outstanding example of the good results of extensive study, discussion and argument and, above all, of consultation and accommodation. I am sure that the terms of this draft resolution do not conform in all respects with the individual views of any single delegation. Throughout the history of the Assembly's consideration of this problem we have heard many varied and conflicting points of view expressed. Yet, as a result of persistence, patience and good will, the First Committee has been able to reach a solution which has been supported by 49 delegations.

[The following paragraph was underlined for emphasis by Ambasador Jessup :]

With respect to Libya, my Government is happy to support the recommendation that this territory become a united and independent state, and we look forward to welcoming it in the near future as a member of this organization.

It is the view of my Government that the provisions of the draft resolution will achieve the independence of Libya within the shortest possible time and in an orderly fashion under the continuing responsibility of the United Nations. The terms of the resolution furthermore insure that the form of the Libyan state and the constitution of its Government shall be determined by the people themselves. Thus the Assembly will fully respect the right of self-determination of the Libyan people.

The committee was also able to reach full agreement on the principle that Italian Somaliland should become an independent sovereign state. However, with respect to this territory it has been agreed that a 10-year period of trusteeship will be required for the development of full self-government and independence.

The Government of the United States is convinced that the committee's recommendation that Italy administer the territory during this trusteeship period is a solution which will insure the rapid progress of the people of Italian Somaliland toward independence. We believe that Italy is well-equipped to provide the assistance and guidance which the people of Italian Somaliland need to help them during the trusteeship period. The committee has received the formal assurances of the Italian Government of its willingness to asume this responsibility and to administer the territory under the trusteeship system in full conformity with the provisions of the Charter. I should like to take this opportunity to state formally that the Government of the United States has complete confidence in the sincerity and good will of the democratic government of Italy in undertaking this difficult task. We are confident, moreover, that Italy will loyally fulfill its obligations to the people of Italian Somaliland in such a way that they need have no cause to fear the return of an Itaian administration to their country. Rather, they may expect the Government and the people of democratic Italy to work with them and help them in a spirit of close friendship and collaboration.

Provision for representatives of Egypt, Colombia, and the Philippines to assist the Italian administration, as well as for the establishment in the trusteeship agreement of constitutional principles guaranteeing the rights of the inhabitants of this territory, should further reassure the people of Italian Somaliland. This recommendation of the General Assembly provides every possible safeguard for the protection of their rights and interests during the trusteeship period by taking cognizance of the principles suggested in the annexure presented by the distinguished delegate from India. The Trusteeship Council will insure that from the very start of the trusteeship period there shall be constitutional guaranties of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all of the inhabitants of Italian Somaliland. Moreover, from the very beginning of the trusteeship there will be institutions designed to insure the inauguration, development, and subsequent establishment of full self-government.

My delegation has been disappointed at the failure of the Political Committee to reach agreement on a definitive solution for the problem of the disposition of Eritrea. In the last session of the General Assembly 36 other delegations besides my own supported the provision for the incorporation of all Eritrea except the western province into Ethiopia. Throughout the discussions in the present session a very large degree of agreement, almost of unanimity, has been manifest in favor of recognition of Ethiopia's just claims. Many delegations have referred to Ethiopia's ethnic and historic ties with Eritrea, its general affinity with the people of Eritrea, and its pressing economic needs. These delegations merely differed on the extent to which Ethiopia's rights and claims should be satisfied.

The United States Government has long been convinced that the people of all but the western province of Eritrea desire reunion with Ethiopia and my delegation has strongly advocated such a solution for this problem. In view of the apparent desire for separate independence expressed by some of the representatives of the inhabitants of Eritrea who appeared before the Political Committee, my delegation joined with others in attempting to work out a compromise formula somewhere between independence and full union with Ethiopia. We envisaged the initial establishment of some form of federation which, while uniting the territory with Ethiopia as far as essential common interests are concerned, would still retain for the people of Eritrea a very large measure of autonomy with respect to local problems and interests. After a 5-year trial period, the people themselves would have had an opportunity through a plebiscite to determine whether to continue that arrangement, to secede or to unite more closely with Ethiopia. Unfortunately, neither this nor other attempts at reaching a compromise solution seemed to achieve the necessary support.

My delegation regrets, as I am sure we all do, that the question of the final disposal of Eritrea must again be postponed. The very extensive debate in the subcommittee and in the committee has, however, convinced many delegations that the facts of the situation must be still further clarified before a solution can be found capable of commanding the support of this Assembly. When it became obvious that the basic differences of opinion within the committee precluded reaching a solution, we agreed that only through further study of the problem and through a new and objective analysis of the facts could the General Assembly find a solution which could be accepted by the necessary majority of its members. For this reason we voted for the committee's recommendation for the establishment of a commission composed of representatives of governments with no direct interest in Eritrea. We can all trust this commission to render a report reflecting the actual situation in the territory and on the basis of which the next session of the Assembly will be able finally to resolve this problem. We therefore will maintain our support of this part of the committee's recommendation.

As the Assembly is aware, we also have before us the question of the appropriate adjustment of the boundaries of the former Italian Colonies. In view of the complex technical aspects of this problem and the lack of complete information before us, it has not been possible for the committee to make substantive recommendations to the Assembly. In order that the Assembly may subsequently give consideration to this matter, it has been proposed that the procedure to be adopted be studied by the Interim Committee, and that a report be submitted to the fifth regular session of the General Assembly. My delegation agrees and hopes this resolution will receive the general acceptance of the Assembly.

Mr. President, I will not take more of the Assembly's time to discuss further this problem which has already consumed so much of our energies and about which so much has already been said. In closing, however, I would like to observe on behalf of my delegation that the Assembly might well congratulate itself on a difficult job well done. We may even hope that despite the complex and controversial aspects of this problem, the resolutions recommended by the Political Committee will receive the unanimous approval of this Assembly. As in the case of our own delegation, such unanimous approval would not mean that we have all succeeded in persuading our colleagues that our own preferred positions should be accepted. It would mean that we have all joined, in the spirit of the Charter, in a cooperative effort to help the General Assembly to discharge its novel and important responsibilities in this matter.

JESSUP STATEMENT ON SOVIET VIOLATION OF SINO-SOVIET TREATY OF 1945

Ambassador AUSTIN. Now we come to the Chinese question. Dr. Jessup spoke on this question after the 1949 Assembly session. It was referred to by me as a Soviet violation of the Sino-Soviet Treaty of 1945. The subcommittee will be interested in the following passage from Dr. Jessup's statement in a plenary session, December 7, 1949.

If the Soviet Union had not been afraid to publish the facts concerning its policies and practices in the Far East, we could have had a basis on which to decide whether or not we are mistaken in our well founded conclusions that the Soviet Russian policy in China today is part of a continuous story, a story which began in the days of Czarist Russian imperialism and which still is characterized by the search for special monopolistic privileges by encroachments and by attempted dismemberment of China.

I have spoken above about some principal problems in our great struggle in trying to get freedom today where Dr. Jessup has entered the lists and shown both skill and valor in behalf of the United States. If I had more time, I would also want to tell you about some of the less well known activities of the United Nations where Dr. Jessup has represented the United States with distinction.

His work on such matters as the problem of the veto in the Security Council and development of improved means for settlement of international disputes and in the genuine tradition of constructive American statesmanship.

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expect these people to be in a position to determine for themselves what means might best assure their achievement of self-government and independence, and the fulfillment of their national aspirations. It is therefore the view of my Government that the General Assembly has a special responsibility to assure that the solution which we recommend will in reality provide for the best interests of the inhabitants.

If it is accepted that independence is the desired objective with respect to Italian Somaliland and that a substantial period of trusteeship is needed to prepare the people of the territory for full self-government, we must next examine the type of trusteeship which will be best suited in the circumstances to achieve our desired goal. The First Committee last spring carefully considered and discarded as impracticable in the circumstances both a direct United Nations trusteeship and trusteeship with a multiple or joint administering authority. The problem now reduces itself to a choice of the most desirable single power to be administering authority for Italian Somaliland.

During the many months and years which my Government has considered this problem, it has consistently been our view that the Italian Government is the best choice for the responsibility of administering a trusteeship of Italian Somaliland. This view was shared at the last Assembly by thirty-five members. The Italian Government indicated its willingness to assume this responsibility, and gave formal assurances that it would discharge such a task in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the trusteeship system.

The United States Government has carefully considered the objections to Italian trusteeship which have been voiced by certain elements of the population of Italian Somaliland. We have considered the reasons which have impelled these representatives to the position which they have taken, and we have considered the degree to which these spokesmen might actually represent the people of Italian Somaliland. We have also weighed contrary views as well as other evidence, including the report of the four-power commission with respect to this aspect of the problem.

Having given full consideration to all of these factors, my Government has come to the conclusion that the Italian Government, under a trusteeship agreement approved by the General Assembly, can and will provide an administration which will effectively and promptly assist the people of Italian Somaliland in the economic, social, and political development of their country and will bring to fulfillment their desire for self-government and independence. The Italian Government has evidenced its deep interest in the United Nations and its devotion to the principles of the Charter. As members of the committee know, the United States has warmly supported Italy's application for membership in the United Nations. Indeed, members of the United Nations have overwhelmingly agreed that Italy possesses all the qualifications for membership. The United States has full faith in the determination and ability of the democratic Italian Government and the hard-working Italian people to dischage faithfully this obligation toward the people of Italian Somaliland and toward the General Assembly of the United Nations.

The United States regards the settlement of this complex problem by the Assembly of the United Nations as the fulfillment of the grave responsibilities of the United Nations toward the peoples of these areas. This case also affords the first opportunity which the General Assembly has had to demonstrate that it can discharge the solemn duty of making a great political decision which the Four Powers have agreed in advance to accept. The United States not only shares the obligation to accept as binding the decision of the General Assembly but also supports the aspiration of these peoples to move toward self-government and independence in accordance with the principles of the Charter. It is the policy of my Government to support the progressive attainment of freedom by all peoples who show themselves worthy of it and ready for it. We recognize that the peoples of the areas with which we are now concerned are in various stages of development, that some are ready for independence, that others will be better helped by self-government as an integral part of existing states, that others still need a rather extensive period of guidance and political experience. In regard to all of them, however, our primary concern must be for their interest and welfare and our ultimate objective their development, either separately or in association with other kindred peoples, into full-fledged members of the community of nations.

STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR JESSUP, POLITICAL COMMITTEE, DECEMBER 4, 1949 Mr. Chairman, I should like to explain briefly the attitude of my delegation toward the report which we have received from the subcommittee. My delegation appreciated the honor of participating in the work of that very harmonious committee which devoted very long hours to an attempt to produce before this full committee proposals which would command general support and lead to a solution of the problem.

My delegation, Mr. Chairman, as I stated at the outset of our debates in this committee, feels very strongly the responsibility which rests upon the United Nations in discharging the responsibilities which have been given to this General Assembly in attempting to find a solution of this problem. We have worked with all of our powers to try to contribute toward some common point of view which will enable the General Assembly to fulfill this task. I cannot emphasize too strongly, Mr. Chairman, our feeling of the importance for the future of this organization that we should find a solution of all of the territories involved, even though that solution may not be final, as for instance in the proposal in regard to Eritrea. But, we cannot, Mr. Chairman, take lightly this task of trying to dispose of the issues which are now before us.

Now, obviously, in attempting to find a solution, in attempting to discharge this obligation resting upon this body composed of the representatives of 59 nations, one cannot expect that the views of every one of the 59 members will be met exactly.

We have had our own ideas of what would constitute the best solution in the case of each one of these territories. We stated those views in this committee. We argued for them in the subcommittee. We still feel that the proposals that we suggested were sound. We still feel that if they had been adopted they would have represented the best solutions which could be achieved for these various

areas.

But, Mr. Chairman, we recognized that the process in which we were engaged in the subcommittee was necessarily a process of accommodation of views. And we endeavored in the exchange of opinions in the subcommittee to accommodate our views, as we felt that our colleagues were seeking to accommodate theirs. There is one point, however, Mr. Chairman, at which accommodation must stop, and that is the point at which accommodation would represent a compromise with the fundamental underlying principles which must be observed in any solution recommended by the General Assembly of the United Nations. While the General Assembly is given the opportunity to make this contribution to the solution of a very difficult political problem, the United Nations would not enhance its reputation if it adopted a solution which did not conform to the fundamental principles which I have in mind.

Those principles, Mr. Chairman, are stated in annex XI of the Italian Peace Treaty. We are asked by the terms of reference there originally directed to the four powers and in turn directed to the General Assembly, to reach our conclusions "in the light of the wishes and welfare of the inhabitants and the interests of peace and security."

We were able, Mr. Chairman, to go along in the preparation of this resolution, which has been submitted by the subcommittee, because we felt that while it did not meet our optimum plans, it did conform to the fundamental principles to which I have referred.

We, therefore, feel that the report of the subcommittee, in its essential substantive aspects, deserves support and we shall give it that support. When I speak of its fundamental substantive aspects, I have in mind the three main underlying aspects of the proposed solutions for the three territories, namely, independence within a short time for Libya, independence for Somaliland after a period of trusteeship, and, in the case of Eritrea, the appointment of a United Nations commission which will bring us back fuller information to enable us to reach a final solution next year.

Now, I should like to explain, Mr. Chairman, in regard to each one of these points the attitude which my delegation took and the attitude which it takes toward the proposals which are now before us.

[The following paragraph was underlined for emphasis by Ambassador Austin:] With respect to Libya, the United States delegation in this committee made a number of suggestions on the appropriate provisions which it deemed desirable in any resolution which this committee might adopt. I am happy to say that these suggestions, together with those of several other delegations, met with the approval of most of the members of the subcommittee. The United States sup