continue the struggle, and the strike was formally called off.

An interesting feature of the seamen's strike deserves to be mentioned. At one stage of the proceedings the outlook was decidedly black; even the coastal traffic was practically suspended, as was also the service to Australia. Since the large cargo steamers and liners could be neither loaded nor unloaded, trade with the United Kingdom was also held up, even though the crews had not formally joined the strikers. An attempt made by the Government to keep up the mail service between the two islands by means of Government steamers had to be abandoned, because the crews refused work. At this point, the captains and officers of the Union Steamship Company came to the rescue. They placed themselves unreservedly at the service of the Company and of the public in any capacity. Some two or three steamers were fully manned with their aid, and the coastal service was resumed. Captains with extra certificates cheerfully served as deck-hands; and on one steamer there were no fewer than seven masters dutifully obeying the orders of a mate, especially selected because of his reputation as a strict disciplinarian. Needless to say, the latter took a grim pleasure in the novel situation in which he found himself. Engineers of every grade came forward with the same cheerful alacrity. They were willing to act in every capacity but one-it was found that professional pride or caste feeling prevented them from acting as firemen. The gap, however, was soon filled by enthusiastic amateurs; even leading professional men went below and worked like Trojans in the grime and heat of the stokehold. Even under these conditions the steamers made most creditable runs. In reference to the work of amateurs, it may also be of interest to add that some of the unskilled gangs engaged in unloading steamers did even better work than the professional stevedores, the explanation being that their lack of experience was more than compensated by utter absence of the 'ca' canny' principle.

Needless to say, the crisis was not without its influence upon politics. The session had been unusually arduous, but the Prime Minister and his colleagues rose to the

occasion. Mr Massey took an active part in the early negotiations for a settlement, Parliament being temporarily adjourned so that he might give his whole attention to the work. When the negotiations failed, the Government, while avoiding any appearance of partisanship, soon made it evident that they were determined at all hazards to maintain the authority of the law and the liberty of the subject. There is a general feeling that Sir Joseph Ward and his followers missed a great opportunity on this occasion. Instead of treating such a crisis as a non-party affair and giving their unreserved support to the Government in the maintenance of law and order, they showed a disposition to criticise what was being done. At a very critical period in the proceedings, when it was doubtful whether the Government would be able to hold its own, Sir Joseph Ward, who was doubtless misled as to what had actually taken place, made some remarks in Parliament about the action of the special constables in charging the crowd of rioters in Wellington, which were undoubtedly calculated to encourage the Federation of Labour, at a time when they were hard beset. The result is that Sir Joseph Ward has lost a good deal of ground, especially among the farmers and commercial classes, while Mr Massey has considerably strengthened his position in the public estimation.

The struggle has cost a good deal of money. The Government placed 100,000l. on the Supplementary Estimates to meet the expenses to which it was put; and it is doubtful if this will cover the whole of the liabilities. It is roughly estimated that the total cost in loss of wages, loss of trade, etc., will amount to close upon a million sterling, but it is generally agreed that the money has been well spent. The country has now been freed from an industrial menace, which was seriously restricting the investment of capital and was the more embarrassing and unsettling in its effects upon enterprise, because of the uncertainty as to when the threatened general strike would come, or indeed whether it would ever materialise at all. The air has now been cleared, and there is a revival of confidence throughout the country. There will be no further talk of a general strike among the present generation of workers. They

have learned a lesson by experience, which they would never accept when it was enforced upon them by precept, namely, that no British community will allow war to be made upon itself by one section of the people, without striking a blow in self-defence. Those whom Mr Massey called the lean brown men from the country,' the stalwart, sinewy, young farmers, tanned with their open-air life, are the heroes of the hour. They were certainly a most inspiring sight, and gave one a reassuring notion of our means of defence should New Zealand ever be invaded by a foreign enemy. Both men and horses were magnificent specimens, and their discipline was admirable.

Many of these men are well-off, but they felt that the occasion was one which called for personal sacrifice. Fathers and sons cheerfully left their farms at the call of duty, while wives and daughters remained behind, and worked long hours in looking after the interests of the farm. None of these men would have stirred a finger against the workers in the case of an ordinary strike. In fact, if there had been a genuine labour grievance, many of them would have been prompt to show practical sympathy with the men. They were determined, however, that, come what might, the country should not be given over to syndicalist agitators; and their action has effectively checked the movement in that direction. Even the less revolutionary socialists in New Zealand have had a set-back. They have assured us that, if the mines, shipping, and other enterprises were controlled by the State, New Zealand would become an Utopia, and in any case there would certainly be no more strikes. Yet the State coal-mines have always been a hot-bed of syndicalism, and the State coal-miners were among the first to 'down tools' at the call of the Federation of Labour. So too, as has already been mentioned, the crews of the Government steamers were among the first to join the strikers and refused even to carry His Majesty's mails.

In the closing hours of the Session, the Government put through, practically without opposition, an amendment of the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act, to meet the case of trade unions refusing to register under that Act in order to be able to strike with impunity.

In effect, the amendment adopts the principle of the Canadian law, under which notice must be given of an intention to strike, and the grounds of dispute must first be investigated and reported upon, thus giving an opportunity for public opinion to act before work is actually allowed to cease. In terms of the final settlement, the recent strikers have been allowed to resume work only on condition that they signed an agreement registered in the Arbitration Court, thus making themselves subject to penalties if they break the agreement. The terms with respect to wages, etc., are practically the same as those in operation before the strike; but a new clause provides that preference of employment will be given to members of a union only so long as the union remains unaffiliated with any other union or association. Meanwhile a number of the strikers are still without work, the employers having probably determined to stand by the free labourers who came to their assistance. Many of these, such as the farm workers, find their new employment so lucrative that they are not disposed to go back to their former callings.

The Federation of Labour has thus received a crushing defeat, and it is probably not too much to say that syndicalism has received its deathblow in this country. The general prosperity of New Zealand has never looked better than at present; and with the revival of confidence it is certain that there will be a great increase of activity in every department of industry. I anticipate, therefore, that not only will the loss caused by the strike be soon made up, but that even the strikers now out of work will soon find plenty of demands for their services.

W. H. TRIGGS.

Art. 10. THE SETTLEMENT MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

1. Toynbee Hall and the English Settlement Movement. By Werner Picht, Ph.D. London: Bell, 1914.

2. The Spirit of Youth and the City Streets. By Jane Addams. New York: Macmillan, 1909.

3. Twenty Years at Hull House. By Jane Addams. New York: Macmillan, 1910. New edition, 1913.

4. Handbook of Settlements.

and Albert J. Kennedy. Associates, 1911.

5. Young Working Girls.

Edited by Robert A. Woods

New York: The Survey

Edited for the National

Federation of Settlements. By R. A. Woods and A. J. Kennedy. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1913.

I.

THE Settlement Movement has been called 'the most elementary expression of the feeling of humanity in the revolt against social misery.' This is entirely misleading. Its founders were no mere sentimentalists, in vague revolt against the general wretchedness of many of their neighbours; they were men with a perfectly clear conception of the forms and causes of social evils, and they set out to attack some of those evils by means of perfectly definite remedies. Prior to 1884, when the movement took shape as the University Settlement Movement, its purposes had been gradually defined by a succession of thinkers and workers. Frederick Denison Maurice and his immediate followers had shown, so early as 1850, that the hand-working classes needed above all else the friendly co-operation of educated men, and welcomed their help if offered frankly and without patronage. They had also realised the possibilities and the need of education, not as an instrument for the training of the young, but as an all-potent lever for raising the level of thought, interest, and human capacity among adult citizens. A few years later, T. H. Green and Ruskin, in their different ways, held up an ideal of good citizenship at which educated men and women should aim, as neighbours of the poor rather than as their superiors, as members of a single brotherhood rather