34,000,000l. on the development of estates agreed upon by all the Governments concerned, Imperial, Federal, and State. The chief part played by the Imperial Government consists in helping the Federal Government to acquire the money at a low rate of interest. The money may be spent on clearing land, or on the equipment of the settler. Each State undertakes to settle 10,000 immigrants within ten years. It may be taken as certain that the mother scheme of Western Australia will be restarted in the coming winter under the stimulus of this imperial co-operation. We are a long way off an equipoise of population, a period when migration of the unemployed excess in Britain will make the National Railways of Canada an economic undertaking, will give Australia strategical security, will preserve the power of the white races from Kenya to the Cape, will enlarge the prisoned wealth of these Dominions that are half-continents or continental islands. Heroic measures, indeed, are not possible. All we can hope for is progressively to accelerate a natural movement. To do that should amount almost to an instinct of selfpreservation. It means more trade and fewer workless.

The French, who are masters of the logical phrase, classified colonies as 'colonies d'exploitation,' and 'colonies de peuplement.' In English the word 'colony' is so thoroughly out of favour that even the phrase Colonial Secretary gives some of us a gentle shock. But the French classification may serve at least to illustrate a point in our present history. Those parts of the British Empire affected by migration are both sorts of colonies. The more they are peopled from these islands the more certainly will they provide a good market for the industrial product of these islands. They are all developing their own industries, and in this are encouraged by some of the migrants from Britain; but there is no reason why the peuplement should not proceed at a greater rate than the local industries; and thus the well-being of all of us within the Empire be simultaneously increased. Settlement, rightly organised, is twice blest. Emigration that sends the best to foreign countries is twice curst. We must see to it that in the sequel the blessing shall be the cure of the curse.

W. BEACH THOMAS.

Art. 7.-THE CLASSICS IN ENGLAND AND AMERICA.

1. The Classical Investigation, conducted by the Advisory Committee of the American Classical League. Part I. General Report, a Summary of Results with Recommendations for the Organisation of the Course in Secondary Latin and for Improvement in Methods of Teaching. Princeton University Press, 1924.

2. The Classical Association, Proceedings. Vol. XXI. John Murray, 1924.

3. The Year's Work in Classical Studies, 1923-4; edited for the Classical Association. Bristol: Arrowsmith, 1924.

4. The Testimony of the Nations to the Value of Classical
Studies; edited for the Classical Association. John
Murray, 1925.

TWENTY years ago, or even less, an article on the
position of classical studies would almost inevitably
have taken the form of a comparison, controversial in
character, of the rival claims of classics, science, and
modern subjects to a place in the curriculum of schools
and universities. It is a significant and most satisfactory
feature of recent developments that such a controversial
treatment of the subject is no longer necessary. The
contest between science and the classics is, it may be
hoped, as dead as the contest between science and
theology. No reasonable person in either camp doubts
that both are essential elements in our civilisation, that
room must be found for both, and that boys and girls
who have an aptitude for either must be given oppor-
tunities to develop in accordance with their abilities.
Some of the warmest advocates of a classical education
are themselves distinguished men of
of science; and
classical scholars have been among the foremost to
advocate an ample provision for science in the intel-
lectual programme of all students.

Few will doubt that the change is salutary, though some of the protagonists in the struggle of the past generation may regret that there is no longer occasion for their swashing blow. Gibes at 'unlettered scientists' and 'gerund-grinding pedants' may lie down together in an unhonoured grave. Education is too serious a matter

to allow of the waste of energy involved in such a controversy. Each has come to perceive that its own cause is at stake in the fortunes of the other, and that the real danger is lest all education should be degraded into a vocational materialism. The humanist murmurs, 'Jam proximus ardet Ucalegon'; the scientist diagnoses danger in the increase of temperature among the combustible materials of his neighbour's house; and both combine to form a volunteer fire-brigade.

.

One cause is to be found in the war. The most hardened classicist could not deny that the country would have been lost without the application of science; the most devoted scientist could not deny that the teachings of history and literature had much to do with the maintenance of that moral which was the most vital element in the whole struggle. Both are agreed that education must be alike scientific and humane, that we want more science and more humanity.

Another cause is the disappearance of the privileged position formerly held by Latin and Greek. When science had to fight for its place in the sun, there was a natural tendency to hit every head that it could see; and pathetic pictures (often based on a state of things which had long passed away) were drawn of the hard fate of bright youths, unblessed with linguistic aptitudes, compelled to waste their powers in the study of the exceptions of Wordsworth's Greek Grammar, and in learning 'cribs' by heart (a remarkable feat of memory, as it has always seemed to the present writer) in order to meet the requirements of Smalls. The abolition of 'compulsory Greek' at Oxford and Cambridge has altered all this. The boot is now on the other leg. It is science now that is often compulsory, never Greek; but in the main it may be said that all that is compulsory is an elementary acquaintance with both science and the humanities, and that each boy and girl is far more free than heretofore to develop along the lines for which he or she has the greatest aptitude.

That, at any rate, is the end towards which all educational theorists are driving, and with reference to 'which all educational developments must be judged. Not all the implications of this change have, however, yet been generally grasped. So long as Latin and

Greek were protected by their wall of privilege at Oxford and Cambridge, educational authorities were naturally preoccupied for the most part with securing the position of science and modern subjects. They have not yet fully realised that with the disappearance of that wall it is now their duty to see that the classics have their fair chance. If it is admitted-and it is admitted, most fully and unreservedly, by the foremost representatives of science-that the classics are a most valuable and vital element in the civilisation of our country, it becomes the duty of those who are responsible for our national education to see that such assistance and encouragement are given to them as will secure them, not merely a bare existence, but such a share in the entire scheme of things as their importance for our national well-being demands.

It is therefore relevant, and not merely relevant but necessary, to take stock of the present position of the classics in education, to see how they stand in our schools and universities to-day, and what, if any, are the principal dangers that threaten them. Here is a valuable possession which it behoves us to safeguard— not to the detriment of other valuable elements, but lest we should unawares suffer a loss which would leave the whole of our civilisation poorer, and lower us in the scale of cultivated humanity.

An opportune contribution to this examination comes to us from America. For some years past a strong Committee in the United States has been engaged in an inquiry, by the most objective methods available, into the present position of the classics of that countrytheir educational value, their present standing in schools and universities, and the methods by which they are actually taught or should be taught. On our own side of the Atlantic we have recently had the exhaustive report of the Prime Minister's Committee on The Classics in Education,' besides much non-official literature. The materials are therefore available, and the object of the present article is to summarise their results, and to bring them to the notice of the non-professional reader.

And first let us pay the tribute that is due to our American friends. The Committee engaged on the investigation referred to was appointed by the American

Classical League, and has been financed since 1921 by the General Education Board; but the moving spirit at the back of the whole enterprise has been Dr Andrew F. West, Dean (and founder) of the Graduate College of Princeton University. All lovers of the classics owe a deep debt of gratitude to Dean West. After a lifetime of strenuous service and scholarship, which has its fitting monument in the really beautiful buildings of the Graduate College, he has devoted the last ten years to an intensive campaign of propaganda (in the best sense of the term) on behalf of the classics. He has travelled all over the United States, has interviewed leading men in every walk of life with a view to enlisting their interest and support, has organised addresses, lectures, conferences, and societies, and has gathered round him a band of helpers who are carrying on, in all parts of the States, the work which he set on foot. He has many friends in this country (where he holds the Honorary D.Litt. of Oxford), and there is no more zealous and enlightened advocate of co-operation between England and America.

The first-fruits of his campaign appeared in a volume entitled 'The Value of the Classics,' which was published in 1917. This contained eighteen addresses and about 280 statements from individuals and societies, mainly American, though with a few additions from England and France, covering all the principal branches of life. Not only schools and universities are represented there, but public life, the Churches, Law, Medicine, Engineering, Natural Science, Journalism, Literature, the Humane Sciences, Fine Arts, and Oriental Studies. Among the writers appear the names of Presidents Wilson, Taft, Roosevelt, and Cleveland (President Coolidge has since contributed to the cause an admirable address, which has been printed separately), Senator Lodge, Mr Elihu Root, Mr Hoover, Mr Lansing, Presidents Nicholas Murray Butler, Hadley, Hibben, and Lowell, Mr Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Prof. Haskins, Mr G. E. Hale, Mr S. S. McClure, Mr J. F. Rhodes, Mr Edward Robinson, Prof. W. M. Sloane, Prof. H. van Dyke, Mr Mortimer L. Schiff, Mr James Loeb, Mr G. H. Putnam, Mr R. A. Cram, and many others, too numerous to mention. And the volume concludes with some pages of statistics,