Page images
PDF
EPUB

PREFACE TO AMERICAN PATRIOTISM.

What distinguishes this pamphlet from those which have been written on the same subject-Nothing but Scripture and reason can make the colonies properly submit to Great Britain.

THE author of these letters considers the American controversy chiefly in a religious light, which gives him an opportunity of making some remarks, that have probably escaped the attention of other writers on this subject. The duty of paying taxes to the protective power is so strongly connected with Christianity, that the colonists must practically give up the Scriptures, or submit to the reasonable demands of the British legislature. It is to be wished that we had made use of the Bible in this controversy. For, how much soever that venerable book is disregarded by some of our great men, the bulk of the Americans, and our religious patriots in England, dare not despise it. Mr. Evans, for one, speaking of the doctrine defended in these sheets, says, "Should you indeed prove it to be a SCRIPTURE doctrine, &c, I am not afraid to promise you the most absolute submission to it as a Christian. The authority of SCRIPTURE I revere above every other." The contested doctrine is here defended by Scripture against Mr. Evans; and if he stand to his "promise," we may hope soon to see him give the colonists an example of due "submission."

When a great empire is divided against itself: when a powerful mother country and a number of strong colonies, draw up all their forces to encounter each other in the field: when the two contending powers are subdivided into a warm majority and a heated minority, ready to begin a second intestine war; and when every individual is concerned as an actor, sufferer, or spectator, in the bloody tragedy which is acted; it is natural for all lovers of their country to ask, How can the dreadful controversy be ended? Is it by the dictates of Scripture and reason, or by the force of arms?

If the author is not mistaken, arms [though useful in their place] will never properly end the contest. Should we overpower the American colonies, they will remain unconvinced. Far from being reconciled to their mother country, they will still look upon her as an imperious stepmother, who adds tyranny to oppression, and murder to robbery. Nor will they submit to her any longer than the force, which has subdued them, shall continue to press and keep them down. And what shall we gain by this method, but perplexity, danger, and continual alarm? The condition of the colonists will be as wretched as that of indignant prisoners, who are under a military guard: and our state will be as uncom fortable as that of a jailer, who watches over a numerous body of VOL. IV.

31

desperate captives, intent upon making their escape at the hazard of their lives. Under God, far more may then be expected, in the issue, from Scripture and reason than from arms. Beasts and savages can be conquered by fire and sword; but it is the glory of men and Christians to be subdued by argument and Scripture. Force may indeed bend the body, but truth alone properly bends the mind. While our armies prepare to engage the majority in America with the dreadful implements of war, it will not therefore be amiss to engage the ecclesiastical minority in England with the harmless implements of controversy. On some occasions, one pen may do more execution than a battery of cannon: a page of well-applied Scripture may be of more extensive use than a field of battle and drops of ink may have a greater effect than streams of blood. If a broadside can sink a man of war and send a thousand men to the bottom, a good argument can do far more; for it can sink a prejudice, which fits out a hundred ships, and arms, it may be, fifty thousand men. How inferior then is the spear of Mars to the sword of the Spirit! And how justly did Solomon say, "A wise man is strong;" especially if he is mighty in the Scriptures, which can make us wise to salvation!

The author dares not flatter himself to have the knowledge of logic and divinity, which are requisite to do his subject the justice it deserves: but having for some years opposed false orthodoxy, he may have acquired some little skill to oppose false patriotism; and having defended evangelical obedience to God, against the indirect attacks of some ministers of the Church of England, he humbly hopes that he may step forth a second time, and defend also constitutional obedience to the KING, against the indirect attacks of some ministers who dissent from the established Church. Those whom he encounters in these sheets, are the leading, ecclesiastical patriots of the two greatest cities in the kingdom; Mr. Evans being the champion of the minority in Bristol, as Dr. Price is in London.

The capital arguments of these two gentlemen are here brought to a triple test, against which they cannot decently object. And, if the author's execution keeps pace with his design, their politics are proved to be contrary to reason, Scripture, and the constitution. Should his proofs be found solid, and the public vouchsafe to regard them, the boisterous patriotism, which has of late disturbed our peace, will give place to sober and genuine patriotism; the political mistake which produces our divisions, will be plucked up by the roots; the minds of our uneasy fellow subjects will be calmed; our bloody contest for supremacy will give place to a sweet debate between parental love and filial duty: parental love will overcome the colonies with benign, lenient, and endearing offers of pardon and peace; while filial duty will disarm the mother country by kind and grateful offers of manly submission.

AMERICAN PATRIOTISM, &c.

To the Rev. Mr. Evans.

LETTER I.

The arguments by which Mr. Evans tries to support his American poli-
tics, are shown to be contrary, I. To sound reason.
II. To plain
Scripture. And, III. To the British constitution.

REVEREND SIR,-The interests of truth are often as much promoted by the inconclusiveness of the arguments with which she is attacked, as by the force of the reasons with which she is defended. If my Vindication of the Calm Address has thrown some light upon the American controversy, your Reply, sir, in the issue, may possibly throw much more. Supposing that plain truth can be compared to a good steel, and keen error to a sharp flint, I venture to say, that the more any one strikes the steel with such a flint, the more will the fragments of the broken stone show the superior solidity of the impugned metal; and the more easily will sparks be collected to light the bright candle of truth. The public will judge which arguments, yours or mine, will serve the cause of truth, by flying to pieces in the controversial collision.

Desirous to share the blessings which our pacific Lord promises to the "meek" and the "peace makers," I shall, in these sheets, neither throw oil upon the flame of the American revolt, nor blow up the coals of indignation which glow in the breasts of our insulted governors. Whatever my performance and success may be, moderation and reconciling truth are my aim: I can assure you, sir, that my utmost ambition is to draw the line between unruly patriotism and servile subjection, in such a manner as to give you, and our readers, an equal detestation of both these unconstitutional extremes.

After throwing away all your first letter upon a useless* question, and *This useless question is, whether Mr. Wesley had, or had not, forgotten the title of I know not what book, which he had recommended to some of his friends, and which, through forgetfulness, he asserted that he had never seen; till, upon perusing the book, he discovered and owned his mistake. Mr. Evans diverts the reader's mind from the true question, by setting before him eight letters, which passed between Mr. W. and others, about that insignificant particular. For my part, I admit the public acknowledgment which Mr. W. has made of his forgetfulness, rather than Mr. Evans' insinuation, that he is not "an honest man;" and I do it, (1.) Because it is best to be on the safer side, which is that of charity. (2.) Because it is highly improbable that a wise man, except in case of forgetful. ness, would deny a fact which a number of proper witnesses can prove, and are inclined to prove against him. And, (3.) Because experience constrains me to sympathize with those whose memory is as treacherous as my own. On a Sunday evening, after preaching three times, reading prayers, and being all day in a crowd, or hurrying from place to place, my mental powers are so incapacitated to do their office, that, far from being able to recollect the title of a book which I have seen some months before, I frequently cannot, after repeated endeavours, remember one of the texts on which I have preached that very day. Now Mr. W. lives all the year round in the hurry and crowd in which I am on my busy Sundays; and he is between seventy and eighty years of age, a time of life, this, when even the men who enjoy uninterrupted rest, find that their memory natu rally fails. If Mr. Evans consider this, he will not be surprised that his first letter has not had its intended effect upon me,

beginning the second with an idle* report, you step into the tribunal of the reviewers, and condemn my Vindication before you have refuted one of my arguments. As if you were both judge and jury, without producing one true witness, page 24, you authoritatively say, "Instead of argument, I meet with nothing but declamation; instead of precision, artful colouring; instead of proof, presumption; instead of consistency, contradiction; instead of reasoning, a string of sophistries."

To support this precipitate sentence, you represent me as saying things which I never said. Thus, page 25, you write: "One while you tell us that our constitution guards our properties, &c, against the tyranny of unjust, arbitrary, or cruel monarchs; then you preach up, with great solemnity, &c, that their subjects have no more right to resist, than children or scholars have a right to take away paternal or magisterial authority." I desire, sir, you would inform me where I advance such a doctrine. Far from "preaching it with great solemnity," I abhor and detest it. If a Nebuchadnezzar commanded me to worship his golden image, I would (God being my helper) resist him as resolutely as did Shadrach. And suppose the king and parliament were to lay a tax upon me, in order to raise money for the purchasing of poison, wherewith to destroy my fellow subjects, I would resist them, and absolutely refuse to pay such a tax.

When you have made my doctrine odious, by lending me principles which I never advanced, or drawing consequences which have not the least connection with my sentiments, you prejudice the public against my book, by insinuating that I contradict myself, where it is plain I do not. Thus you say, page 26; "In one letter you tell us the colonists are on a level with Britons in general; in another, that they were never on a level with England." This last sentence I spake of the colonies, as independent legislatures, and not of the colonists: and both sentences in their place are perfectly consistent. For, although not one of the colonies was ever on a level with England (an independent kingdom) with respect to supreme dominion; yet all the colonists are on a level with Britons in general, with respect to several particulars enumerated just before, as appears by the whole argument, which (Vind. p. 450) runs thus: "The mother country and the parliament house are as open to them [the colonists] as to any free-born Englishman: they may pur chase freeholds; they may be made burgesses of corporate towns; they may be chosen members of the house of commons, and some of them, if I mistake not, sit already there. The colonists are then on a level, not only with [absent] Britons in general, but with all our members of parliament who are abroad." Had you, sir, quoted my words in this manner, your readers would have seen that there is something in my letters beside contradiction and sophistry; but it is more easy to shuffle the cards, than to win the game.

Permit me, sir, to produce another instance of your polemical skill.

The idle report I mean is, that my Vindication "has received many additions and corrections from the pen of a celebrated nobleman." This is a mistake. I find, indeed, some errors of the press, which injure the sense of my book; but I do not discover one addition in it, except that of two words; and if Mr. Evans will be pleased to inspect my manuscript, he will see that the few little negative emendations in it, were made by Mr. Wesley's own pen.

You say, page 24: "Your reasoning upon the quotation I made from the very learned Judge Blackstone, is equally conclusive, &c. In a free state, (says Judge Blackstone,) every man who is supposed a free agent, ought to be in some measure his own governor; and therefore a branch, at least, of the legislative power should reside in the whole body of the people. You reply: Your scheme drives at putting the legislative power into every body's hands." No, sir, this is not my reply, but only a just inference which I naturally drew from my solid answer. My reply (Vind. p. 446) runs thus: "But who are the whole body of the people? According to Judge Blackstone, every free agent. Then the argument proves too much; for are not women free agents? Yea, and poor, as well as rich men ?" This, and this only, I advance as a reply to Judge Blackstone's argument. I cannot, therefore, help being surprised at your mistake. You keep my real answer to your argument out of sight; you render me ridiculous by producing as my answer, what is not my answer at all; and, before you conclude, you make me amends for this piece of patriotic liberty, by calling me "one of the most unmeaning and unfair controvertists." The reader's patience would fail were I minutely to describe the logical stratagems of this sort by which you support your cause, which I confess stands in need of all manner of props.

However, in your second letter you come to the question, which is, Whether the colonists, as good men, good Christians, or good subjects, are bound to pay moderate, proportionable taxes, for the benefit of the whole British empire, when such taxes are legally laid upon them by the supreme, protective power, that is, by the three branches of the British legislature.

In my Vindication of the Calm Address, I have produced the arguments which induce me to believe that the doctrine of such taxation is rational, Scriptural, and constitutional: and in your Reply you attempt to prove that it is contrary to reason, Scripture, and the constitution. Let us see how your attempt is carried on, and,

FIRST, How you disprove the reasonableness of the taxation I contend for.

Page 27, you say that you do not deny "the necessity and propriety of subjects paying taxes." But in not denying this, sir, do you not indirectly give up the point? Do you not grant that, as the colonists are not protected by the king alone, but by the whole legislative power of Great Britain, they are not under the jurisdiction of the king alone, but of all the British legislature? Now, if they are not the subjects of the king, as unconnected with the British parliament, but as constitutionally connected with that high court, which supplies him with proper subsidies to protect his American dominions, it is evident that they owe taxes to the king and the British parliament, for you yourself acknowledge "the necessity of subjects paying taxes" to the supreme power which protects them. But which tax have they, of late, consented to pay? Has it been a tax upon tea, or upon stamped paper?

Should you reply that they have offered to pay taxes to the king and their provincial assemblies, I reply, that this is not paying capital tribute to whom capital tribute is due for capital tribute is due to the capital protective power; and the capital power that protects the colonists is

:

« PreviousContinue »